CATA LOG U E O F !■'. G YPT LA N , A Kl' IQ L! TIES y;' ,f ^ i l*''s*^'> £L%r^' irt‘ ?Sw^Yv: t',*'>. •>< ’Vt^ ■»\>|h ■ ^ - -• V5 '' . 'V^v ; ■^:Vf :^ 1 ',,*^ ,f.-^ ■.• ' • •' ■ - ■ •^i' .!£S' ‘-y’ ^ -W • ; vilify- 1 ’• '• i; # •» ^ i A-;.- .: ■ .J - ■ : *> H* ' -' f ■ j :. ’• . * * .* >♦,- :jii, f 5^4 t >l/ « , iv V .• ^ fc\ V .V •■ I ♦>. k T H- SS .U ■. -Il* -Wi ''-i-i*.%*i''- • ' ' ■ ‘^.' -■ f -J- ,,- ; j‘U ' 'i - . - -.^f. - ,K ***.r*< ,'r • %*,'■;■•<.• J ■V . '*k i'r Ji >= *...•• ■^.Zt TW^’ :'^r .t , 1 ;.._ AV ■■ ‘ • “r >il^F ,<•'" ^ ^i j J*/.’ -, . i .'(-s' i-’.*'* , I »' r* y- - Si,.’*'' ^.1 • p£H illM" • s 'i '■ V:^'']vA 4 ' . ‘ ^ \. • x**** ■« - ' A - » »■’■.• • .at ■..■•* 4 _ t . * » • 'I " V 9 yr''.'.;''^^ V, ' '*#«' v-;^' ■ i&'rri.-.'. ■’' .V-^'.. . -a .• • '-• Sup!^&v.-v .; _„■,/ vZA iii ■ x», . .- . ' ^ ‘^it^ U 2 kkl liL ,. CATALOGUE OF EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES Gold and Silver Jewelry and Related Objects ,V” THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY CATALOGUE OF EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES Numbers 1-160 Gold and Silver Jewelry and Related Objects BY CAROLINE RANSOM WILLIAMS, Ph.D., Litt.D. SOMETIME ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF ART AND ARCHEOLOGY IN BRYN MAWR COLLEGE; FORMERLY ASSISTANT CURATOR IN THE EGYPTIAN DEPARTMENT OF THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART; HONORARY CURATOR OF THE EGYPTIAN COLLECTIONS, THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY NEW YORK 1924 PREFACE This first part of the exhaustive catalogue of the New York Historical Society’s Egyptian collection is intended to serve a number of purposes. It will make avail¬ able to Egyptologists and Classical Archaeologists the jewels of the old Abbott collec¬ tion of antiquities from Egypt, of which some pieces are widely, but inaccurately, known, through the older publications, and others appear in these pages quite unher¬ alded. The book also offers a contribution to the history of metallurgical science in Egypt in the analyses of alloys published and to the history of the jeweler’s craft in the record of the technique, which has been studied with the aid of a binocular micro¬ scope magnifying 15, 28, and 45 diameters, supplemented by practical experiments, and is explained here in part by means of a sampler and photomicrographic enlargements. The book aims, further, to render Egyptian jewelry more accessible to craftsmen and manufacturing jewelers interested in the history of jewelry or seeking hints for novel and beautiful designs. To this end, not only its plates, but the chronological list of outstanding jewels, accompanied by a bibliography, should be useful. New York users of the book will find the publications cited in the Oriental Room of the Public Library and in the library of the Metropolitan Museum of Art; among them are a surprising number of colored plates, enabling the student to appreciate the colorful designs marking jewels from the Nile Valley. Probably nowhere outside of Cairo may Egyptian jewelry be studied more advantageously than in New York, for the collection of original material in the Metropolitan Museum of Art is large and representative, embracing one lot of magnificent royal jewels of the nineteenth cen¬ tury B. C., and the treasures of its Egyptian “Gold Room” are supplemented by these pieces of the present catalogue, some of them of rare interest, which are now exhibited and labeled with special reference to their technique. Not that I would be understood to recommend the direct copying of Egyptian Inlaid pectorals or winged goddesses chased in gold, which Invariably look bizarre and exotic taken over into modern jewelry. But a wealth of minor motifs of great charm, derived from Egyptian plant and animal life, has been little utilized by modern designers, many an effective technical process of the ancients has become obsolete, and, above all, the satisfying lines, the balance in the use of mass and color, the excellence of craftsmanship, in the best of these jewels may well quicken the modern creative impulse. A question which in many Egyptological publications dealing with material from scientific excavations happily does not need to be considered has in the present volume considerable prominence, and that concerns the date of the respective pieces. It is indicative of the advances which have been made in the eighty years since the first catalogue of the Abbott collection was written that today no one acquainted with Egyptian subjects would think of dating the ring containing in its inscription the name of the builder of the Great Pyramid (No. 34) in the Fourth Dynasty. To catalogue a series of objects torn completely from their ancient context, and datable only on internal evidence is also a test—provided that the cataloguer Is reasonably [v] competent—of the state of present-day knowledge of ancient Egypt. One great task of scientific excavation is to establish the chronological sequence and limits of the various kinds of material remaining from antiquity—a task, which in Egypt was not even begun in Dr. Abbott’s time, but which today may be said to be accom¬ plished in the large, although still in progress with respect to details. Confronted with an unusual object dissociated from external data, or even with an object not so unusual, one still often must piece together scattered and all too meager evidence in the endeavor to interpret and place it. But thus, gradually, with the help of the ever-growing number of exact records of well-conducted excavations, the details of Egyptian archaeological science are being worked out. The statements of provenience under the different catalogue numbers are taken from the old catalogues of the Abbott collection and are given for what they are worth, except in a few instances when contradicted by the evidence of the objects. The old records are silent, however, about the find-spots of many objects. Es¬ pecially unexpected, is the presence among the Abbott jewels of the Greek originals (Nos. 85-9) of some of Haller von Hallerstein’s drawings published long ago by Fraenkel. I have not included in the text dimensions which are quite, or nearly, as accurately given in the plates as they can be measured with a rule. In the spell¬ ing of Egyptian personal names I have followed the standards set in Professor James Henry Breasted’s various books, with which, of all writings on Egypt, Ameri¬ can readers are most familiar. The dates given for the dynasties are in agree¬ ment with the convenient chronological table at the close of Breasted’s A History of Egypt, second edition, fully revised. New York, 1909. I would point out, how¬ ever, that the dates for the earlier dynasties represent a conservative minimum, and that in a system of chronology elaborately worked out by Dr. Ludwig Borchardt they are pushed back much farther: Die Annalen und die zeitliche Festlegung des alten Reiches der dgyptischen Geschichte, Berlin, 1917. Any eventual consensus of opin¬ ion on this difficult subject will no doubt take into consideration Professor Breasted’s recent discovery of the names of ten predynastic kings who ruled over a united Egypt before the unification under the southern king Menes. These kings are listed on the Cairo fragments of the early annals known as the Palermo Stone. Phrases and passages from ancient texts are quoted usually in Professor Breasted’s or Dr. Alan H. Gardiner’s excellent translations; always a footnote gives the refer¬ ence for the translation and commonly also for the Egyptian text. Many specific obligations are acknowledged in the course of the text, but I take much pleasure in thanking here those who have helped me repeatedly: Professor Adolf Erman and Dr. Hermann Grapow, who have given me data from the files of the Berlin Dictionary of Egyptian; Mr. F. LI. Griffith for the loan for study pur¬ poses of photographs from the Oxford excavations in Nubia; M. Jean Capart for a copy of the section of his bibliographical fiches which concerns jewelry; many mem¬ bers of the staffs of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Professor Breasted and Dr. T. George Allen for the use of the library and files of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago; Mr. Herbert P. Whitlock, Curator of Mineralogy, in the American Museum of Nat¬ ural History, New York. For opportunities to see something of modern processes in working gold and silver I am indebted to the following firms: Cartier, Fifth Avenue, New York; The Gorham Company at their factory. Providence, R. L; [vi] Handy and Harman, Gold St., New York; Mr. Charles R. McLeod, New York, and Mr. Daniel Froeschauer, Brooklyn, gold-beaters; The S. S. White Dental Manu¬ facturing Company, Prince Bay, Staten Island. The analyses published under Nos. 35, 45, and 81 and that of silver of the period of Ramses II on page 29 were made as a courtesy to the New York Historical Society by Dr. J. Edward Whitfield of the firm of Booth, Garrett and Blair, Ana¬ lytical and Consulting Chemists, Philadelphia. For the composition of a specimen of prehistoric silver, published page 28, I am indebted to M. Capart, whose col¬ league, Professor Huybrechts, of the University of Liege, was so kind as to make the analysis. All the other analyses given in the book are the work of Mr. W. A. Nyland of Columbia University who used the microchemical method, since this method has the advantage that it is possible to analyze small quantities of metals by study¬ ing their compound formations (in crystalline form) with aid of the microscope. The specific gravity tests were accomplished by the method of weighing in air and water with correction for temperature. The line drawings reproduced in Plates X and XI were made by Mr. Lindsley F. Hall of the Egyptian Expedition of the Metropolitan Museum with the kind permission of the Director of the Expedition, Mr. A. M. Lythgoe, and I owe to the courtesy of Mr. Lythgoe and Mr. Hall also the drawings of the hieroglyphs used in the text of No. 34. The photographs in the size of the originals published in the plates were taken by Mr. Peter A. Juley. The photomicrographs of Plate I were made in the American Museum of Natural History; all the other photomicro¬ graphs were done by Mr. A. Tennyson Beals, who even took the trouble to go to Boston with his apparatus to photomicrograph the gold wires from the tomb equip¬ ment of the Second Dynasty king Khasekhemui (Plate XXII), published here by kind permission of the authorities of the Boston Museum. The modern sampler in brass (Plate XXXVIII) is almost exclusively the work of Mr. Paul W. Hoffmann, the able preparator responsible for cleaning and mounting all the jewels, from whom I received help particularly in the beginning of my study of technique. Nos. 47 and 70 of the sampler, however, and Plate XXXVII (except H) represent the results of experiments on the part of Mr. John P. Heins, of the Department of Fine Arts of Columbia University, who, as a practical worker in gold and silver and teacher of metal-crafts, has been my main stay in the study of the technique, giving my text on this subject valuable criticism and trying out for me in actual work many de¬ batable questions. The collotypes and photolithographic plates of the volume were executed by Mr. E. O. Cockayne of Boston. Caroline R. Williams. Toledo, Ohio December i, 1922 [vii] NOTE ON ABBREVIATIONS All personal names and titles of books and journals are cited once in full, after¬ wards in abbreviations readily understood by readers familiar with the literature of Egyptology and Classical Archaeology. The full citation may be located by refer¬ ence to the General Index under the abbreviation. ly TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Preface . v Note on Abbreviations .ix Introduction . i Catalogue.45 A. Various Earlier Pieces.47 B. Scarabs .71 C. Finger Rings.76 D. Earrings . ..112 Addendum to C and D. Jewelry found on the Island OF Ithaca in 1812.147 E. Late Amulets.154 F. Statuettes of Gods.194 G. Tools.198 H. Miscellaneous.210 I. The “Menes Necklace AND Earrings”.221 The Early Catalogues and Concordances of Old Numbers . . 229 Chronological List of Outstanding Jewels from Egypt and the Upper Nile Valley, with Selected Bibliography.237 General Index. .245 [xi] INTRODUCTION The craft of jewelry-making had an importance in ancient Egypt which is hardly paralleled in modern life. Not only were women then quite as fond of personal adornment as they are at the present time and not only were men more accustomed to wear jewels than they are today, but the ancient Egyptian jeweler had other patronage. He must exercise his very greatest skill in the service of the gods and he must prepare jewels of all degrees from the cheapest to the best for burial with the dead. Very naturally, too, in the era before the invention of coinage, much of the metallic and mineral wealth of the country was wrought into jewelry and the rewards bestowed on the successful soldier and administrator by his king were frequently articles of jewelry. Many of the foregoing statements in their bearing on Egypt, and other facts to be commented on presently, are well-documented in the texts and vividly illustrated in the art of the country.^ A local magnate of the First Cataract, Sebni, received from the Sixth Dynasty king, Pepi II (about 2500 B. C., or earlier), for a suc¬ cessful expedition into Nubia, together with other rewards, the gold of praise.^ The insci'iption does not say in what form the gold was delivered to Sebni, but two centuries earlier, in King Sahure’s and King Nuserre’s funerary temples, on the walls of the storerooms where treasure was kept, had been depicted, in reliefs preserved in part to this day, the formal presentation of royal gifts of jewelry— bead collars of several varieties, diadems, and a cylinder seal; the recipients are shown in humble attitude of expectation, or carrying in the hand, and fastening on the person, jewels already received, and the scenes are labeled: The receiving of gold.^ The noblemen in like manner bestowed gifts of jewelry upon their depend¬ ents; one such scene, a relief from a private tomb, now in the Louvre, bears the legend. The giving of gold* Later on, two heroes of the war of the expulsion of 1 The literary passages and the pictorial material have never been worked through systematically in connec¬ tion with surviving Egyptian jewelry. M. Capart in Lemons sur Vart egyptien, Liege, 1920, p. 472, expressses regret that no one has yet collected the pictorial evidence about the jewelry of the brilliant period of the XVIIIth Dynasty. Suggestive of the discoveries to be made in the texts is Professor Kurt Sethe’s essay “Hith¬ erto Unnoticed Evidence Regarding Copper Works of Art” in The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (pub¬ lished by the Egypt Exploration Fund, since 1919 the Egypt Exploration Society; cited hereafter as J.E.A.), London, Vol. I (1914), pp. 233-6. We ourselves have gathered much material both from the monuments and texts, but out of space-consideration we abandoned our first intention to include in this Introduction an historical sketch of the development of Egyptian jewelry. 2 Hieroglyphic text: Sethe, Urkunden des alien Reichs. I (Vol. I of Vrkunden des dgyptischen Altertums, edited by Georg Steindorff), Leipsic, 1903, p. 139. Translation: Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, His¬ torical Documents from the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest, Collected, Edited, and Translated ^ith Commentary, Chicago, 1906, Vol. I, §372. 2 Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Sahu-re, Vol. H, Die Wandbilder (26te wissenschaftliche Veroff- entlichung der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft), Leipsic, 1913, pp. 60-64, 121, Pis, 52-4 and Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Ne-user-Re {qte Veroffentlichung. D. O. G.), Leipsic, 1907, p. 76, Fig. 51. 4 Borchardt, Sahu-re, II, p. 63, Fig. 9 = Fig. 13, p. 25 in: Luise Klebs, Die Reliefs des alien Reiches {2q8o- 24.ys Chr.), Material zur dgyptischen Kulturgeschichte {Abhandlung der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse), Heidelberg, 1915. Cf. the Cairo archaistic relief of the second half of the 4th cent. B.C., with legend “The giving of gold” in Le Musee Egyptien. Recueil de monuments et de notices sur les fouilles d*Egypte, published by G. Maspero, Vol. H, Pt. 2, Cairo, 1906, Pis. XXXV, XXXVI; also Borchardt, op, ciu, Fig. lo. [I] the Hyksos (sixteenth century B. C.) in their inscriptions were explicit as to the re¬ wards given them, Ahmose, son of Ebana, saying,^ I was presented with gold seven times in the presence of the whole land, and enumerating, besides, in detail, the oc¬ casions when he received the gold of valor or gold in double measure, and Ahmose- Pen-Nekhbet, telling the form in which the gold came into his possession ®—from Amenhotep I, of gold, two ringsf^ two necklaces,^ a bracelet,^ a dagger, a diadem, a fan, and a mekhtebet; from Thutmose I, of gold, four rings,'^ four necklaces,^ one bracelet,^ six flies,^^ three lions,^“ of gold, two axes; finally, his rewards under Thutmose II, of gold, four rings,six necklaces,^ three bracelets,^ a mekhtebet; of silver, two axe-blades. Around 1400 B. C., and subsequently for many years, the king, often accompanied by the queen and royal children, when about to be- ® Text: Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie (Part IV of Steindorff, Urkunden), Leipsic, 1906, pp. i-ii. Trans¬ lations: Breasted, Records, II, §§ 6-i6, 39, 80-82; (into German), Sethe, Urkunden der iS. Dynastie. I. Bearheitet und uhersetzt, Leipsic, 1914, pp. 1-6. ®Text in Sethe, Urkunden, IV, 32-9; translations: Breasted, Records, II, §§ 20-25, 4i> 42, 84-5, 124, 344; Sethe, Urk. iibersetzt, pp. 17-21; in particular pp. 38-9 of text and §§ 21-4 of Breasted’s translation; the list of awards exists in three ancient copies varying slightly among themselves. Cf. the analogous lists in Sethe, Urk., IV, 892-3; Breasted, Records, II, §§ 585, 587. terminates with a picture sign of a plain hoop or ring. This XVIIIth Dynasty word therefore does not denote a signet ring nor ring with ornate bezel; Professor Breasted interpreted it as a “bracelet.” All that the phonetically written and pictorial parts of the word together convey is the idea of a “reward” or “present” in the form of a plain ring. It might then refer to plain hoop finger rings or hoop bracelets, but our guess is that it was a name for the rings so frequently depicted in scenes of weighing, which to a considerable extent took the place of ingots of compact form, and which are known to have been used as a medium of exchange. We think it extremely probable that these rings had their origin in primitive jewelry. On the hieroglyph representing them, occurring on stone weights used in weighing gold, see Heinrich Schafer, Zeitschrift fiir dgyptische Spraclie und Altertuinskunde, (hereafter cited as A.Z.), Leipsic, Vol. 43 (1906), pp. 70-71. ® The pictorial part of the writing here, at least as autographed, is not quite decisive as to whether a broad collar, or single-string necklace, or bracelet is intended, but in Sethe, Urkunden, IV, 893, 1 . ii, a well-known type of necklace of large lenticular beads is clearly shown. 9 The Egyptian word is not the generic “bracelet” but the name of a particular form of bracelet well indicated here in the writing, represented often in Egyptian art, and known in extant specimens of gold; one of the actual bracelets is in the treasure of Queen Ahhotep. See Emile Vernier, Bijoux et orfhvrcries {Catalogue genhal des aniiquites egyptiennes du Musee du Caire, cited hereafter as Cairo Catal.), Pt. I, Cairo, 1907, (cited hereafter as Bijoux, I), No. 52073, PI. X. Cf. Schafer, with collaboration of Georg Moller and Wilhelm Schubart, Agyptische Goldschmiedearheiten (Vol. I of Mitteilungen aus der dgyp- tischen Sammlung, Berlin Museums), Berlin, 1910, p. 24 and Fig. ii. Professor Breasted did not translate the word nor did Professor Sethe in the German rendering of this passage, but in a footnote Sethe referred to the final picture sign as that denoting “stone,” possibly having in mind an ingot of one of the semi-precious stones as the meaning of the word. The question is compli¬ cated by the ambiguity of the Egyptian text, as it is uncertain, especially in the list of Thutmose Fs gifts, where “gold” is repeated before “axes,” whether or not all the gifts, except the silver axe-blades are to be understood as wholly of gold. Dr. Grapow, Uber die Wortbildungen mit einem Prd fix m- im Agyptischen {Abhandlung der Konigl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Klasse), Berlin, 1914, p. 27, defined the word as an “Art goldenes Schmuckstiick” and Professor Sethe earlier {A.Z., Vol. 48, 1910, p. 143) had rendered it with “Platten.” Following this last suggestion, we should like to see in the final sign, not the usual rectangular determinative of “stone,” but a bar or ingot of gold, or a rectangular piece of sheet gold—again as in the “rings,” the gold as unworked material, which could be used to buy land and goods or could be wrought into vessels and jewelry. See under Nos. 4 and 5 and the following note. 12 Sethe, A.Z., Vol. 48, p. 143, who cites: Jean Francois Champollion, Monuments de VEgypte et de la Nubie: Notices descripilves conformes aux manuscrits autographes redigh sur les lieux, Vol. I, Paris, 1844, p. 528, tomb 36 at Thebes, reproducing an ancient picture of a man wearing two figures of standing lions sus¬ pended from the neck and a broad collar, including in its make-up two large flies. stow jewelry, appeared in a second-story loggia of the palace, from which he threw down the giftsd^ These occasions were of great moment in the life of the courtiers and became a stock subject of tomb decoration at Tell el-Amarna and Thebes, and even formed the theme of a casual drawing on a limestone flake modern in¬ terest in them is enhanced by the recent fortunate discovery of parts of the actual audience balcony of Merneptah’s palace at Memphis.^® The station of jewelers and gold-workers in Egyptian society is a fascinating subject. Certainly in the New Kingdom (1580-1150 B. C.), and possibly as early as the Old Kingdom (2980-2475 B. C., or earlier), in common with other artists and craftsmen, they belonged to an independent middle class. Below them in the social scale at all times were the peasant serfs attached to the soil; above them in the older periods were the landed nobility, and in the New Kingdom, after the disappearance of the landed nobility, the higher government officials, whose lower ranks were often recruited from the middle class.Makers of jewelry in particu¬ lar are seldom mentioned in the texts, but the comprehensive title Goldsmith (nby) is a common one, and several of the goldsmiths of Thebes under the New Kingdom were affluent enough to secure rock-hewn tombs and others were able to provide for themselves and relatives a burial equipment, of which some pleasing art-objects have survived to modern times. Such are two statuettes in Berlin, representing the gold¬ smiths Simut and Siese,^^ kneeling with hands raised in the ritualistic position for See briefly Life in Ancient Egypt, described by Erman, translated by H. M. Tirard, London, 1894, p. 182, now superseded for readers of German by Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben itn Altertum by Erman, revised by Hermann Ranke, Tubingen, 1923, pp. 8o-8i. See Mr. N. de Garis Davies’ enumeration of instances in The Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, July, 1920, Part II, p. 30, Figs. 3, 4, and the references for one of the scenes at Amarna given in our note ii, p. 77. Schafer, Jahrbuch der Konigl. Preuszischen Kunstsammlungen, Berlin, Vol. 37 (1916), p. 41, No. 66, Fig. 21 and Amtliche Berichte aus den Preuszischen Kunstsammlungen, Berlin, Vol. XL, Dec. 1918, Fig. 22. Also Davies, loc. cit.. Fig. 5. 16 By Mr. Clarence S. Fisher. See preliminary account. The Museum Journal (University of Pennsylvania), Philadelphia, Vol. VIII (1917), p. 222. On the longer known actual loggia in the palace of Ramses III at Medinet Habu, Thebes, see: Uvo Holscher, Das hohe Tor von Medinet Habu (12. wissenschaftliche Verof- fentlichung der D. O. G.), Leipsic, 1910, p. 50 and Schafer, Amtliche Berichte, XL, col. 43, Fig. 23. 17 Breasted, History, p. 85. 16 Breasted, op. cit., pp. 245-6. But for the scorn which the Egyptian scribe felt for all workmen who labored with their hands, to whom, for lack of learning, a career as an official was closed, see Erman-Ranke, Aegypten, p. 533, quoting a passage of Middle Kingdom poetry which is directed in particular against workers in metal. 19 Gardiner and Arthur E. P. Weigall, A Topographical Catalogue of the Private Tombs of Thebes, London, 1913, Nos. 114, 165, 169, 189. They are not, to be sure, among the more imposing tombs, as three are entirely unpublished and Mr. Davies describes No. 165 as “a small chamber, less than 12 feet by 6 and only man’s height, . . . with decoration of a very summary character.” See Five Theban Tombs (XXIst Memoir. Archaeological Survey of Egypt, a branch of the Eg. Expl. Fund, edited by F. LI. Griffith), Lon¬ don, 1913, p. 40. Mr. Lindsley F. Hall was so kind as to visit the other three and reported to us that they conform to the usual type “of a transverse chamber after the vestibule or wide-jambed entrance, then a longitudinal chamber with sculptured walls, and another transverse one.” No. 114 is about 10 meters from entrance to back, No. 169 rather more than 10 m. In No. 114, the only decoration is about the en¬ trance and in the first chamber. No. 169 is now part of a native residence; the first chamber has the ceiling cut out in the shape of a barrel vault, decorated in color, but little evidence is left of the original state of the side walls; the longitudinal chamber has a flat decorated ceiling and offering bearers painted on its north wall; there is a niche and pit (descending to the burial chamber) in the back room. No. 189 is a rather well sculptured tomb. 26 Inventory numbers 2312 and 2314; Ausfiihrliches Verzeichnis der aegyptischen Altertiimer und Gipsab- giisse, Berlin, 2nd ed., 1899 (cited hereafter as Berlin Verzeichnis) , p. 142; Gunther Roeder, Aegyptische [3] uttering a hymn of praise; inscribed on stelae before them are the words which they are conceived to be chanting, in the one instance in praise of the Sun-god at his set¬ ting, in the other, acclaiming the morning Sun. Indeed, a long list of names of ancient Egyptian goldsmiths could be compiled from their extant monuments,and from scenes in which they are represented and identified by legends,but in no in¬ stance is it possible to associate the name of any one of them with the actual products of his art. Three of the men who acquired rock-hewn tombs were in the employ of the eminent Theban god Amon, bearing the title Chief of the Gold-Work¬ ers of the Estate of Amon and being thus accredited, each in his day, as the most skillful workman in decorating with gold the god’s cultus shrines and barks, in making articles of adornment for his cukus statues, and the like. The Theban Baki of Tomb 18 of the modern numbering, if one may judge by his title Chief Servant Who Weighs the Silver and Gold of the Estate of Afnon, was an administrative offi¬ cer, not a craftsman. Other officers high in the realm were over such as Baki in the control of supplies: one Wersu, Superintendent of the Mountain Lands of Gold of Amon; and, bearing the same title, Huy, Viceroy of Kush, in the late Eighteenth Dynasty under Tutenkhamon (about 1350 B. C.), and the Viceroy of Kush (Ethiopia) who became the later king Seti II (about 1209 B. C.).^^ One of the Theban goldsmiths was also a Portrait Sculptor, but the ‘‘portraits” he made were perhaps wrought or cast of precious metals, rather than carved in stone or wood; such a portrait figure of a young boy in electrum, dating from about 1550 B. C., a piece of considerable artistic merit, was found by the late Earl of Carnarvon at Thebes,long before his great discovery which excited the world in the winter of 1922 to 1923. Let us not think of these Egyptian goldsmiths as organized Into guilds; rather, a man’s occupation was an affair of family, handed down from father to son, and very likely many a secret of technique was kept within a given family from generation to generation, much as In modern times the best method of preparing gold-beater’s skin has remained the possession of the Partridge family in London. The Louvre Museum has an inscribed stela naming two gold¬ smiths, father and son,^® and other similar examples could be given. In the allied Inschriften aus den Koniglkhen Museen zu Berlin, Vol. II, Pt. i, Leipsic, 1913, p. 51; Alexander Scharff, Aegyptische Sonnenlieder iibersetzt und eingeleitet, Berlin, 1922, pp. 76, 75. On this class of statuettes, in¬ terpreting their pose: H. E. Winlock, J.E.A., Vol. VI (1920), pp. 1-3. 21 At the moment we can lay our hands on: (a) Thenena, who dedicated a very fine little copper figure of his brother, one now in the Athens Museum; see F. W. von Bissing, in Mitteilungen des Kaiserlich Deut- schen Archdologischen Instituts. Athenische Abteilung, Athens, Vol. XXXVIII (1913), pp. 239 ff.; (b) Amenhotep, a Chief Goldsmith of Amon, whose name is preserved on an especially handsome amulet of green felspar; see J. E. Quibell, The Ramesseum, (Ilnd Publication. Egyptian Research Account, 1896), London, 1898, p. 21, PI. XXX A, 4 and Annales du Service des Antiquites de VEgypte (hereafter, cited as Annales), Cairo, Vol. XI (1911), p. 172. 22 So the goldsmith [Amen]emhab, see p. 64 note 6 of: The Tomb of Amenemhet (No. 82), Copied in Line and Colour by Nina de Garis Davies and with Explanatory Text by Gardiner (First and Introductory Memoir, the Theban Tomb Series, Edited by Norman de Garis Davies and Gardiner, published under the auspices of the Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1915. 23 Griffith in J.E.A., Vol. II (1915), p. 6. 24 Of tomb 165, see above n. 19. 25 Frontispiece and p. 75 in: The Earl of Carnarvon and Howard Carter, Five Years' Explorations at Thebes. A Record of Work Done IQ07-1911, London, 1912; see also p. 103, No. 2, PI. XV in: Catalogue of an Exhibition of Ancient Egyptian Art (Burlington Fine Arts Club), London, 1922. 26 Paul Pierret, Recueil d'inscriptions inedites du Musee Egyptien du Louvre, Pt. II (Etudes igyptologiques, Pt. 8), Paris, 1878, p. 51, C 83. [4] crafts, too, whole families were united, as seen in the famous “Tombeau des graveurs”. No. i8i at Thebes, about which Mr. N. de Garis Davies has written pointing out that no evidence exists here for an organization of artists in guilds or schools, but that the two artists celebrated in this tomb were the successive hus¬ bands of one woman, who presumably was the moving spirit in the double tomb- memorial; the brother of one of the men was also an artist. We think of Egyptian artificers as often working in their own houses, just as did the makers of amulets in the compound of necropolis workmen excavated at Amarna.^® In the instance of the goldsmiths, however, the value of the property involved must usually have led to their activities being transferred to the palace or temple, where their ma¬ terials and products could be guarded; in the temples, they often worked in the House of Gold, a combined treasure house and workshop, to which reference is frequent.-^ We have reason to suppose also that a particularly adept craftsman some¬ times traveled from temple to temple, as one of these men, an engraver, enumerated in his inscription thirty cultus statues in various places on which he had worked. Egyptian art affords many a glimpse of craftsmen, including the jewelers and gold- workers,^^ at their tasks. These animated pictures transport us into the very spirit of the ancient workshops. We see the men shield their faces from the heat, as the tongues of flame dart about the crucible, we sense the force and swing of the gold-beaters’ 27 BulL December 1920, Part II, p. 34. 28 C. Leonard Woolley in J.E.A., Vol.'VIII (1922), p. 56. 20 Schafer, Die Mysterien des Osiris in Ahydos unter Konig Sesostris III nach dem Denkstein des Oher- schatzmeisters I-cher-nofret im Berliner Museum {IJntersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Agyptens, edited by Kurt Sethe, IV, 2), Leipsic, 1904, p. 15, n. 3; Davies-Gardiner, Amenemhet, p. 58, n. i, citing the data given by Schafer. 80 Schafer, Mysterien, loc. cii. The New York Historical Society possesses a large limestone relief of the Eleventh Dynasty king Senekhkere, found at Hermonthis, which is so similar in style to another relief of this king discovered one hundred and thirty-five miles to the south on the island of Elephantine as to re¬ quire us to assume that the same artists executed the two sets of temple relief. See The Ne^-York His- torical Society. Quarterly Bulletin,Yoxk^ Yo\. II (1918-19), pp. 17 ff. 81 Old Kingdom (2980-2475 B.C.) : scenes conveniently listed, with bibliography, in L. Klebs, Reliefs, pp. 84-6. Middle Kingdom, Dyn. XII (2000-1788 B. C.) ; Percy E. Newberry, Beni Hasan, Pt. I ( 1 st Memoir. Arch. Survey of Egypt), London, 1893, PI. XI; Beni Hasan, Pt. II (Ilnd Memoir), 1894, Pis. IV, XIV; also Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, revised and corrected by Samuel Birch, London, 1878, Vol. II, p. 234. In the proof we add a reference to Klebs, Die Reliefs und Malereien des mittleren Reiches (Abhandl. der Heidelberger Akademie. Philosophisch-histor. Klasse), Heidelberg, 1922, pp. 108-113. New Kingdom, Dyn. XVHI (1580-1350 B. C.). Scenes in the tomb of Rekhmire: in full, in line cuts, Ph. Virey, Le tombeau de Rekhmara {Memoires publies par les membres de la Mission Archeologique Franqaise au Caire, cited hereafter as Memoires. Mission, Vol. V, Pt. i), Paris, 1889, Pis. XHI—XVI; Newberry, The Life of Rekhmara; Vezir of Upper Egypt under Thothmes HI and Amenhetep H {circa B.C. 1471-14.48), Westminster, 1900, Pis. XVII, XVHI; in part in colors in the older publications, Frederic Cailliaud, Recherches sur les arts et metiers, Paris, 1831, Pis. 6 B, 10; I. Rosellini, Monumenti deW Egitto e della Nubia, Atlas Vol. II, Pisa, 1834, Pis. L, 2 a-c, LII, 4, 5 = Champollion, Monuments de PEgypte et de la Nubie, At\2i^Wo\.ll,P2iXis Pis. CLXIH, 2-4, CLXV, 4, CLXVI, 2; Prisse d’ Avennes, Histoire de Part egyptien d' aprh les monuments. Atlas Vol. II, Paris, 1878, section “Pein- ture,” Pis. 10, II; excerpts. Vernier, La bijouterie et la joaillerie egyptiennes (cited hereafter as Bijouterie) = Vol. H of Memoires publies par les membres de ITnsiitut Franqais d’ Archeologie Orientale du Caire, cited hereafter as Memoires. Institut, Cairo, 1907, Figs. 2-5; Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, ed. Birch, Vol. H, pp. 235 (No. 415), 312, and elsewhere frequently. Scenes from other tombs: V. Scheil, Tombeaux thebains de Mai, des graveurs, etc., {Memoires. Mission, Vol. V, Pt. 4), Paris, 1894, in “Tombeau des graveurs,” PI. II; Davies, The Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes, Vol. I (M. M. A. Robb de Peyster Tytus Memorial Series, Vol. II), New York, 1922, pp. 71-6 and references in foot¬ notes, Pis. XXV-XXVII; excerpts, Davies, Bull. M.M.A., Dec., 1920, Pt. II, pp. 37-40, Figs. 8-11. Late period (after 1000 B.C.): see the references of n. 16, p. 200. [5] blows, from the accompanying legends we catch snatches of the conversation, as one workman says. It is very beautiful^ comrade, or another is admonished. Hurry, make it ready, or Beat hard! In the period of the Old Kingdom, dwarfs are oc¬ casionally represented busying themselves with jewels. In those days pygmies im¬ ported from the upper Nile regions occupied a position in the Egyptian court affording points of comparison with that of the seventeenth century dwarfs Im¬ mortalized by Velasquez. The nobleman aped his royal master in attaching, if pos¬ sible, one of these droll and curious beings to his person.The dwarf’s offices perhaps Included that of taking care of the master’s jewels and sometimes he was employed In the lighter tasks of jewelry-making, as in assembling the parts of a bead collar,but he was never given such heavy work as gold-beating. In the materials employed ancient Egyptian jewelry differs from nearly all pres¬ ent-day jewelry. Platinum as a separate metal was unidentified and therefore in the more valuable jewels gold or silver was invariably used, whether alone, as in the lovely gold circlet catalogued here as No. 2, or inclosing gem-stones, which were always semi-precious, rather than precious. Glitter and highly-reflecting surfaces were absent, as the gold and silver were given a matt, not a brilliantly polished, finish, and the stones were never faceted. Besides semi-precious stones, especially after 1500 B. C., glass imitating these stones with varying success, was set In gold of high carat (Nos. 18, 19) ; garnets were so well imitated by Egyptians and Greeks (No. 85) as often to escape detection; carnellan, also, was well re¬ produced in glass (No. 19) and so was turquoise—according to some authorities at a very early time (compare page 22) ; lapis lazuli was less well imitated because of the mineral Inclusions velning the natural rock, which usually were not rendered in glass, although the characteristic deep blue color was caught (Nos. 19, 24). No such sharp distinction between the value of stones and the value of glass was felt as at the present time and In the Egyptian use of glass the jewels were seldom cheapened In effect. The aim was to produce a beautiful pattern of color and al¬ ways the gold enriched and harmonized the whole. Carnelian, turquoise (or ama¬ zon stone), and lapis lazuli, inlaid in gold, were a frequent combination, or, omitting the red, the light blue and dark blue were combined with gold as in No. 104 or red and dark blue with yellow as in No. 3. The Egyptians never introduced 32 These legends, very difficult of translation, are treated in: Erman, Reden, Rufe und Lieder auf Grdher- bildern des alien Reiches {Abhandlung der Preuss. Akad. der IVissenschaften, iqi8. Phil-hist. Klasse, No. 15), Berlin, 1919, especially §§ 24, 27, 28. 33 A letter written by the child-king Pepi II, expressing eagerness to see a dancing dwarf and giving directions for his safe transportation, is preserved at the First Cataract of the Nile in the tomb inscriptions of the noble to whom it was addressed; text: Sethe, I, 128-31 ; translation: Breasted, h §§ 351-45 see also Breasted, History, pp. 140-1, Fig. 75. The practice of keeping dwarfs at court origi¬ nated before 3000 B.C., for deformed bones of dwarfs have been found in royal tombs of the 1 st and Ilnd Dynasties. 34 The dwarf is seen In the reliefs standing next the master’s chair, sometimes with pet animals, or accom¬ panying the master out of doors, when the latter usually is borne in a litter and the dwarf follows on foot with the dogs or monkeys on a leash, etc. See L. Klebs, op. cit., pp. 32-3. 3^80 Griffith in The Tomb of Ptah-hetep, copied by R.F.E. Paget and A. A. Pirie (Egypt. Res. Acc., 1896), London, 1898, p. 27, PI. XXXV; but cf. L. Klebs, loc. cit., who interprets all the scenes of dwarfs handling jewels as scenes of manufacturing. 33 J. de Morgan, Recherches sur les origines de VEgypte, Vol. I, Paris, 1896, cut on p. 199 = Klebs, op. cit., Fig. 68 = Breasted, History, Fig. 41 = Bull. M.M.A., Vol. XIII (1918), cut on p. 287. 37 We use the word “jewel” in this book in its early sense as a “costly ornament,” one which ma^ consist only of gold or silver or may contain a gem-stone. [6] amethyst Into their multiple-colored jewels, as its color does not combine well with the colors of the other stones which they possessed, but, especially in the Twelfth Dynasty (2000-1788 B. C.), they used amethyst much for beads, and often set It off by gold caps; haematite was similarly employed. Also garnets were used for beads and were introduced sparingly into complex pieces, as for the eyes of the gold cobra, which was worn on the king’s brow. Many pleasing adornments were produced wholly, or partially, of glazed steatite (No. 20) and even of glazed pot¬ tery. In the Classical period. Oriental pearls became common (Nos. 56, 67), and also were Imitated In glass (Nos. 59-61), and a few precious stones became known; emerald was now very popular and this gem, too, was reproduced in glass (No. 65). In late Roman times, a beginning was made in faceting stones, although the older cabochon cut was more in favor (compare under No. 43). Engraved gems, very rare in Pharaonic Egypt, were among the greatest specialties of Greek and Roman jewelry, in Egypt as elsewhere (Nos. 88, 89). The principal articles of jewelry in ancient Egypt were diadems or circlets to confine and ornament the hair or wig, broad collars, necklaces, armlets, bracelets, finger rings, and girdles, worn by both men and women,^® and anklets, usually re¬ stricted to women’s adornment.Earrings were introduced from abroad compara¬ tively late. Brooches and pins, which in the colder climates of the north were so important for fastening the clothing,^® were exceedingly rare in Egypt and very Some differences of practice on the part of men and women there were, of course. We cannot go into many details here but may note as an illustration that the king’s girdle was an elaborate creation worn on public occasions and was of a design appropriate to his exalted royal station; the woman’s girdle of various distinctive patterns was worn over the unclothed body, publicly by dancing women and serving maids, and in the privacy of the harem possibly by ladies (so Winlock, in Ancient Egypt, London, 1920, pp. 80-84). the Vth Dyn., bracelets seem to have been confined to women’s use; in the Vlth Dyn. and later, men, too, regularly wore them. Excavators have sometimes observed in a series of graves a greater elaboration in the ornaments given to women than in those given to men, thus in: R. Randall-Maciver and A. C. Mace, El Anirah and Abydos, i8qq-iqoi, (special extra publication of the Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1903, p. 49, dealing with predynastic material, we find the statement that beads “were essentially the ornaments of women and children, were very rarely found with men, and when they occurred in a man’s grave were always of the most valuable materials.” We have been unable to trace any difference in the forms of finger rings, broad bead collars and their accessories, bead bracelets and pectorals, as worn by men and women. In Capart, Une rue de tombeaux a Saqqarah, Brussels, 1907, PI. 93, a man and wife who lived about 2500 B.C. are decked with exactly the same type of diadem. But see Edouard Naville, The Temple of Deir el Bahari, Pt. IV (XIXth Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), Lon¬ don, 1901, PI. Cl for anklets worn by the male divinity Amon. In Egypt, in prehistoric times, pins of copper were used to fasten goat-skins about the body; so W. M. F. Petrie and Mace, Diospolis Parva (XXth Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1901, p. 24. Cf., however, Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt (XXXIst Publication. British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egypt. Res. Acc., XXIIIrd Year, 1917), London, 1920, p. 26. But in historic times, shawls and mantles were simply thrown about the figure and other garments were usually cut, pleated and sewed into convenient shapes; often attenuated ends were dexterously tucked under or over another part to secure them and, in the older period, shoulder straps and girdle ends were tied in a reef knot; Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten von Konigen und Prwatleute?i im Museum von Kairo (Cairo CataL), Pt. I, Berlin, 1911, Nos. 27, 113 etc., see cuts in text; cf. the interpretation as loop and button in Hans Bonnet, Die dgyptische Tracht (Vol. VII, Pt. II of Sethe, Untersuchiingen), Leipsic, 1917, pp. 40-41, PI. VI, 37-8. The more elaborate garments in favor after 1500 B.C. were sometimes tied at the throat and were often confined at the waist by sashes; see B. M. C[artland], Bull. M.M.A., Vol. XI (1916), pp. 211, 212. Thus the Egyptians usually dispensed with pins and had no special incentive to develop fibulae or other jewelry of the kind. “Pins” are mentioned occasionally in excavator’s reports, but often are not of the kind used for fastening clothing. Thus in De Morgan, Foiiilles a Dahchour en 18Q4-1895, Vienna, 1903 (cited hereafter as Dahchour, II), p. 48, we find: “Vers la ceinture, j’ ai rencontre une plaque d’argent et quelques epingles du meme metal”; these pins were probably from girdle clasps or from the princess Ita’s bracelets, as she [7] few ornamental hairpins and combs have been found, although they were worn to some extent. Such barbarous ornaments as nose-rings, occurring in neighboring lands,are almost unknown from Egypt.^"^ Particularly characteristic of Egyptian jewelry are the elaborate pendants worn suspended from the neck, for which the Egyptological term is “pectoral”; sometimes these were balanced by a dorsal ornament of the same or a different form, nearly or quite as elaborate as the pec¬ toral; also other necklaces and broad collars often had at the back some form of pendant, such as the menat or menkhet,'^^ which served the double purpose of is reported (top of p. 54) to have had bracelets of the type of those of Nebheteptikhrod, which, like our No. 3, required pins to secure the clasps; see De Morgan, Fouilles a Da/ichour. Mars-Jiiifi, 18^4, Vienna, 1895, (cited hereafter as DahcJiour, I), PI. XXXVIll, A, B, D. On the other hand, “toggle pins,” although surely not an indigenous piece of jewelry, have been found in Egypt. From the upper Nile Valley and a comparatively late period, Professor Reisner reports the occurrence of “Ram’s head brooches” {Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin^ cited hereafter as Boston Bulletin, Vol. XVI, 1918, p. 72) ; and such a piece as the following may have been used on clothing: Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties, igoi. Ft. II, (XXIst Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1901, p. 23, PI. V A (supplementary vol.). No. 7. ^2 See, however, for the early period, Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt, PI. Vlll and for later times, Schafer, Goldschmiedearbeiten, p. 25, No. 20, PI. 7, and possibly the two ivory pins of Petrie, Ehnasya, J904, (XXVIth Memoir, Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1905, No. 14, p. 4; Nos. ii, 12, PI. IX a. In a scene on a coffin of the Xlth Dyn. {ca. 2100 B.C.) a long pin with ornamental head is clearly shown in the fingers of the maid who is dressing her royal mistress’hair; published: Georges Benedite, Objets de toilette, Ihe Partie, Peignes, etc. (Cairo Catal.), Cairo, 1911, Pis. I-II; interpreted in Erman-Ranke, Aegypten, p. 251 as used temporarily in curling the hair, not as an ornament. Cf. also Benedite, op. cit., pp. 15-19, Pis. VIII-IX. Practical combs for combing the hair, usually of wood, and with teeth on one or both sides, have been preserved from ancient Egypt (Benedite, op. cit., pp. 1-7, 10-15, Pis. IV, V, VII) but combs which were intended also to ornament the hair seem to be confined to a very early period (Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt, pp. 29, 30, PI. XXIX; Benedite, op. cit., PI. VI), before wigs and elaborate diadems came in. The later Egyptians, on occasion, strewed rosettes all over the wig; see Arthur C. Mace and Herbert E. Winlock, The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht (M.M.A., Egyptian Expedition), New York, 1916, cited hereafter as Seneb- tisi, pp. 59, 60, Pis. XV, B, C, XXI, XXVIII, F, D; also J.E.A., Vol. V (1918), p. 172, No. 10. For possible lavish wig ornaments of another type, see Bull. M.M.A., Dec. 1919, Pt. II, p. 12, n. i and Guy Brunton, Lahun I. The Treasure (XXVIIth Publication, Brit. Sch. of Arch, in Eg. and Egypt. Res. Acc. XXth Year, 1914), London, 1920, pp. 27-8, “The Gold Ring-beads.” The wig was less well adapted than the natural coiffure to hold a comb and the circlet or diadem, the usual ornament, so dominated the head as to satisfy all desire for a display of jewelry on that part of the person. Genesis XXIV, 47; Isaiah III, 21; Georges Ptvvot isnd C\\2iv\ts C\\\\i\tz, IIistoire de Vart dans I*antiquite, Vol. IV, Judee. Sardaigne. Syrie. Cappadoce, Paris, 1887, pp. 446-8; F. H. Marshall, Catalogue of the Jewellery, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman, in the Departments of Antiquities, British Museum, London, 1911, p. 167, Fig. 48 (Cypriote statuette). The woman buried at Abydos in the XXIInd Dyn. with her nose-ring in position may have been a for¬ eigner; T. Eric Peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos. Part II, igu-igi2 (XXXIVth Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1914, p. 47, S 29, PI. IX, Fig. 4, top right corner. This way of mounting the pectoral is well authenticated for the period of the mid-XVIIIth to early XIXth Dynasties (1475-1250 B.C.): Sethe, Urkunden, IV, 870, 1 . 16, 871, 1 . 9, 873, 1 . 8; G. Daressy, Annales, Vol. II (1901), pp. 1-13; George A. Reisner, Amulets (Cairo Catal.)^ Cairo, 1907, Nos. 12196- 12201, 12216-17; G. Elliot Smith, The Royal Mummies (Cairo Catal.), Cairo, 1912, p. 37, describing the mummy of Amenhotep II: “In the resin covering the fifth dorsal spine there is the distinct impression of a series of beads arranged in the pattern of the well-known pectoral ornament”; Champollion, Moww- Atlas Vol. IV, PI. CCCCXXXII, with name of Thutmose IV; A. St. G. Caulfeild, The Temple of the Kings at Abydos {Sety /.) (Vlllth Publ. Egypt. Res. Acc. Vlllth Year. 1902), London, 1902, PI. XVI, I, 3. See also the combination of leopard’s head and ordinary pectoral connected by rows of beads repro¬ duced in: Prisse d’Avennes, Ilistoire de Bart, Atlas Vol. II, section “Art industriel,” PI. 15. But in the XVIIIth Dyn. the pectoral was mounted and worn sometimes by itself, suspended on strings of beads, as in the example pictured in the tomb of Huy; see Erman-Ranke, Aegypten, p. 238, Fig. 87, after Richard Lepsius, Denkmdler aus Agypten und Athiopien, Berlin, 1849 ff., Pt. HI, PI. 115. Cf. below, n. 71. 47 See p. 176 and PI. XXVII, 107. 48 Pictured separately in Pierre Lacau, Sarcophages aiiterieurs au Nouvel Empire (Cairo Catal.)y Cairo, Vol. [8] a counterweight and an ornament. The forms of Egyptian jewels were undoubtedly Influenced by the fact that during the Old Kingdom when, as the culmination of centuries of development, a characteristic national stamp was given to jewelry, the fashion still prevailed of wearing very little clothing on the upper part of the body; even the woman’s dress suspended by one or two shoulder straps left the breast and shoulders largely free; royal personages and members of the nobility then adorned themselves with jewels extending down on the breast and back and in part cover¬ ing the arms. In construction much of the Egyptian jewelry falls Into two classes: hoop jewelry, that is, articles which consist essentially of a hoop of metal, whether or not elaborated by inlaid or appllqued ornament, and bead jewelry.^® To the first class belong nearly all finger rings and circlets for the head, and many armlets, brace¬ lets, and anklets; to the second class, necklaces, girdles, the large majority of wide collars, and also many armlets, bracelets, and anklets. Indeed, the elaboration of bead jewelry was one of the most prominent contributions of Egypt to the development of personal adornments in antiquity. Never was a people fonder of beads or more ingenious and skillful in combining them; compared with Egyptian bead jewelry, modern bead bags seem trivial, and even the present-day necklaces of bet¬ ter materials are usually of less interesting, and less organized, designs. Other ancient folk of the Mediterranean basin and of Babylonia, too, made much use of beads, generally, however, so far as is now evident, unless influenced from Egypt,^^ only in the form of single strings, however many such strings they wore! It was in Egypt that the colorful combining and intricate threading of beads of precious materials reached a high art. One of the principal pieces in a set of bead jewelry was the wide, flat collar, which extended from the base of the neck out over breast and shoulders and was composed largely of cylindrical beads strongly threaded into a flexible whole; the lengths of the cylindrical beads were varied, and by placing them radiating from the neck, the shorter ones toward the back, it was possible to narrow the collar and bring all its threads Into semi-circular end-pieces, or pieces having the outline of falcon heads the designs worked out in the shapes and arrangement of the beads were accentuated, or further elaborated, by the rhythmic distribution of masses of color.^^ Much use was made in bracelets and necklaces of I (1904), PI. LII, Nos. 440-43, and in position, hanging behind, in Borchardt, StatueUy I, Nos. 33, 56, 83, i39> i53> 208, etc., cuts in text. We are aware that some diadems, such as the one of interlacing wire of Mace and Winlock, Senebtisiy Fig. 28, PI. XXI and those of De Morgan, Dahchour, II, PI. X, also gold chains, and a few other items are not covered in this classification, but pectorals hung on strings of beads, the majority of amulets, and ornamental seals, may be regarded as elaborated beads. Probably this bead jewelry should be regarded as characteristic of northeast Africa, rather than solely of Egypt, since in early Egyptian reliefs (Borchardt, Sahu-re, II, Pis. i, 5-7) the Libyans and Puntites wear it, but even so, the Egyptians, as apparently the most highly civilized people of that part of the world, must have had the chief part in developing it. Gold bar spacers of twenty holes which bear evidence of some elaborate bead jewelry known to the people of strata II-V, Troy, were found by Schliemann. Were they importations from Egypt? See Hubert Schmidt, Heinrich Schliemanns Sammlung irojanischer Altertiimer, Berlin, 1902, p. 236, 21 (Nos. 765, 766) and Alfred Gotze in Wilhelm Dorpfeld, Troja und Ilion, Athens, 1902, Vol. I, p. 361, Fig. 303, f. 52 Pictures of these wide collars may be found in Lacau, Sarcophages, I, PI. LI, Nos. 426-32. 53 Perhaps the reader should be reminded that the strings of Egyptian beads sold by dealers rarely give a correct notion of the merit of ancient bead jewelry, being made up usually of the commoner beads in an arrangement entirely modern and often including units of widely varying periods and diverse original use. Especially frequent on the market are strings of late glazed cylindrical and disk beads from shrouds, [9] “dividers” or “spacers,” that is, bars of gold pierced with holes, through which the various threads passed and thus were prevented from spreading or becoming tangled; also beads soldered together one above the other acted as spacers. This advance over the single-thread bead bracelets of predynastic days seems to have been made in the court ateliers of the First Dynasty, as two of the royal bracelets of that time included spacers of three holes each.^^ In the Third or Fourth Dynasty we find a certain private person of the region of El Kab furnished for the next life with a bracelet composed of gold and carnelian beads in alternating rows on five threads, with gold bar spacers of five holes.In the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties, as representations in relief sculpture abundantly prove,the rows of beads were eight to sixteen in number and the spacers sometimes elaborated with decoration; very charming actual examples of such spacers, inlaid and chased, have come down to us from the Twelfth Dynasty,and there are many others extant. Unfortunately much valuable archaeological evidence about Egyptian jewelry, as about other classes of material, was wasted in the earlier days of excavation. Thus less is known of the designs of the princesses’ jewels from Dashur^^ than we should know, had they been taken care of by the minute and exact methods practised in the field today. Yet even with the most punctilious and efficient recording, the con¬ dition in which jewels are found often leaves many questions unsettled. Most, tombs —and with few exceptions, extant Egyptian jewels are from this source—were rifled in antiquity and the modern scientific excavator must needs cherish the leavings of the ancient robbers; even when an untouched tomb cache, such as that rare one of Lahun, is found, the jewel boxes may have fallen apart and the threads of the bead jewelry have rotted, with the result that the designs of some of the pieces remain in doubt. Occasionally, however, as in the ornaments of the baby princess Mai't of the Eleventh Dynasty and in the jewelry of the lady Senebtisi of the Twelfth,®^ the exact order of the beads has been recovered, and always the repre¬ sentations of jewelry in Egyptian art are a potential aid for putting together dis¬ jointed units. One of the first queries in dealing with these pieces of jewelry buried with the dead—whether placed on the mummy or deposited in various situations in the tomb —is how far they have been worn in life, how far made expressly for burial. of blue, yellow and other colors, but occasionally one comes on the more desirable early collar beads of varying lengths, referred to above. But even these, and also the funerary bead collars (cf. p. ii) pre¬ served in museums, are more monotonous in design and colors than the wide collars worn in life, as we may study them in ancient reliefs and paintings. See our list of outstanding jewels, p. 237, under a. Quibell, El Kab (Illrd Publ. Egypt. Res. Acc. Illrd Year, 1897), London, 1898, p. 7, St. 2; on date, p. 138 in Reisner, The Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Der, Pt. I (University of California Publica¬ tions. Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. II), Leipsic, 1908, cited hereafter as Naga-ed~Der, I. 56 For Vth Dyn. see: Borchardt, Sahu-re, II, PI. 18 left, bracelets with 14 rows of beads showing between spacers, anklets with 16; PI. 22, anklets with ii rows between spacers; Ne-user-re, PI. 16, 8 rows visible on goddess’ anklets and a suggestion of figures ornamenting spacers. Such jewelry was made for the statues of divinities, but see Capart, Rue de tombeaux, Pis. XX, XXI, for bracelets of 13 threads controlled by spacers, worn by a Vlth Dyn. nobleman. 57 See references for Dashur and Lahun jewelry, p. 238. 5 ® See preceding note and Mr. Lythgoe’s remarks in Bull. Dec. 1919, Pt. II, p. 22, n. 3. The con¬ dition of the jewelry from Tutenkhamon’s tomb is not yet known as we go to press, but we look forward to very interesting revelations when it does become available. 59 P. 237, under e. Mace and Winlock, op. cit. [10] Some pieces reveal themselves at once as undoubtedly in the latter category, be¬ cause too unsubstantial to endure wear; such pieces are our Nos. 23 and 38. In addition, some other funerary jewels placed on the mummy are not merely inap¬ propriate in their materials and technique for actual use, but also in their form; such are the broad collars of beads which cover only the breast and shoulders of the mummy in front, without passing around the neck, and which have no means of fastening; in them the semi-circular end-pieces, to which we referred above and which worn by the living rested on the shoulders behind,®^ are in view from the front; and again funerary anklets and bracelets are found held only by the bandages and not completely encircling the ankles or wrists.Critical judgment must therefore be ex¬ ercised when examining these exclusively funerary pieces in an effort to visualize the normal jewelry of the Egyptians and to estimate the merit of their accomplishment in the designing and making of jewelry. Surely one would be in error to infer from Senebtlsi’s wide collar of sheet copper covered with gold foil, or from Hapi-Enekhtifi’s of wood covered with gold,®^ that in the Twelfth Dynasty, in life, a woman or man wore collars made out of sheet gold all in one piece, for the funerary collars mentioned are chased with a design representing the usual bead collar and were mere substi¬ tutes for such collars, perhaps conceived as composed entirely of beads of gold. At this point, we may call attention to the legends accompanying pictures of jewelry on coffins of about 2000 B. C. which occasionally read. Ornaments of the Nether World, that is, laconically suggest the purpose of the ornaments;®^ the more usual legends refer Imaginatively to the rich materials or characteristic designs of the royal jewels with which, magically, by virtue of these pictures, the deceased was provided (compare pages 158, 161-4, 192-3). But it was also customary among people who could afford it to deposit some substantial jewelry with the dead. Often, as is evident in their worn condition, these were jewels which had seen use in life; such are our Nos. i, 59, 60, 96, 123, and 125.^® But we conjecture that good jewelry was acquired also expressly for the tomb, perhaps by the person himself during his older years or by survivors at his death, if his store of jewels was not yet adequate for a burial befitting his station. It would seem that chance conditions or Individual preferences must often have con¬ trolled the composition of the set of jewelry and other valuables which a given person, following Egyptian thought, carried into the next life. Why else should the Dashur princess Ita have been provided v/lth a substantial dagger having a beau¬ tiful inlaid handle of precious materials and her contemporary Khnumit, also of the royal house, whose tomb equipment in general was even richer than hers, have had only a dummy dagger of gilded wood? Known from representations of collars in position on statues and statuettes; see the ushebti pictured in the New York Historical Society’s Quarterly Bulletin, Vol. I (1917-18), p. 95; evident also in the shapes of the collars as drawn anciently. Cf. p. 9, n. 52. ^'2 So the funerary pieces in Senebtisi’s equipment. 63 Mace and Winlock, op, cit., p. 66. The question of these collars is quite apart from that of the construc¬ tion of vulture collars, or that of the earliest occurrence of such hinged collars of sheet gold as the late example found by Professor Reisner in Nubia (see under 1 , p. 242). 64 Lacau, Sarcophages, Vol. II, Cairo, 1906, p. 44, Nos. 36, 46; p. 62, No. 99; cf. Vol. I, p. iii. No. 34. 65 For other legends consult Lacau, op. cit., Vol. II, Index, pp. 156 ff., and the legends and literature cited by Mr. Mace in Senebtisi, Ch. IV. 66 So also the pendant of Schafer, Goldschmiedearbeiteri. No. 13. 67 De Morgan, Dahchour, II, p. 51, No. i, PI. VI, and p. 55. Ita’s dagger was placed by her mummy and Khnumit’s with her staves outside the coffin, and neither lady appears to have had a second dagger. [II] In the study of Egyptian jewelry the criterion provided by the marks of wear has been little used. Let us consider for a moment the two ‘‘pectorals” of the Lahun princess, who lived In the nineteenth century These jewels have correspond¬ ing designs, one including the name of Sesostris II, possibly the princess’ father, the other the name of Amenemhet III, perhaps her nephew, and the current theory requires us to believe that they were gifts made to the princess by the kings named, at some time In their respective reigns. Now thirty-eight years Intervened between the death of the one king and the accession of the other, and according to this theory, nearly forty years, at the very least, would have separated the one gift from the other. If then the pectoral with Sesostris’ name was really acquired during the princess’ youth, and worn by her during those forty odd years, before, in her old age, she was given the second pectoral, we should expect the older piece to show far more evidence of wear; the loops by which It was suspended might well be almost worn through (compare No. 96). The publication of the Lahun jewelry makes only the following very general statement: “The ornaments show signs of wear, and where inlay Is now missing, it was no doubt lost anciently,” and the two pectorals have not, to our knowledge, been compared especially with respect to the indications of wear; so far as one can judge, however, by the half-tones representing them from the reverse,the loops on the supposed older pectoral certainly look in quite as good condition as those on the supposed later piece! The manner in which these pectorals were mounted and worn is not known. In ancient Egypt, fashions in jewelry were set by the king and his household. This dominating influence may be traced even as early as the First Dynasty, long before 3000 B.C. One of the royal bead bracelets of that early time Is composed largely of barrel-shaped beads of which the surfaces are ornamented with spirals In a style which was in vogue by the time of Menes,'^^ founder of the Egyptian state; one other such bead of blue glaze, dating from the same early period, was found at Abydos,*^^ and a dozen and more of gold were discovered at Naga-ed-Der, opposite Girga.’’'® Again, the beads of another of these royal bracelets imitate the form of the Horus name of the king, even to the falcon-hieroglyph by which this name was introduced. At Abydos, similar beads, one of lapis lazuli, one of ivory, from two other pieces of jewelry,"^® were recovered, and some three hundred miles away to the north, near the Great Pyramid of Giza, in a tomb dated by a sealing to the reign of Zet (Atotis), a nearly complete bracelet of the same style came to light; its units all have two 68 Literature given p. 238, also following note. 66 Brunton, Lahun I, p. 42. ■^oBrunton, op. cit., PI. VI. 71 No satisfactory evidence is as yet available for the Xllth Dyn., but see above, n. 46, for the two ways— with and without a corresponding dorsal ornament—characteristic of the XVIIIth Dyn., ways which may have come down from earlier times. Mr. Winlock has drawn our attention to the fact that the two Lahun pectorals w^ere found somewhat separated, each with its own lot of beads (Brunton, op. cit., pp. 24-5, PI. XII), a circumstance which apparently forbids regarding one of them as a dorsal ornament to be worn simultaneously with the other, a pectoral. 72 No. 52,009 as catalogued in Vernier, Bijoux, I; cf. p. 237, under a. 76 De Morgan, Recherches, Vol. II, Ethnographic prehisiorique et tomheau royal de Negadah, Paris, 1897, pp. 195, 197, Fig. 744; Vernier, Bijouterie, p. 114, Fig. 137. 74 Petrie, Royal Tombs. II, PI. XXXV, 75. 75 Reisner, Naga-ed-Der, I, PI. 7, Nos. 6, 9, and 10, from grave N 1532, dated p. 14 to this period of the 1 st Dyn. kings Zer and Zet, but on p. 119 to the close of the dynasty. 76 Petrie, Royal Tombs. II, pp. 17, 37. Ph XXXV, 81. [12] threading holes, the terminal pieces resemble roughly the gold cones of the royal model, and it was once tied in like manner to the arm, but the material is only blue- glazed pottery; the whole was an inexpensive imitation which had to suffice for a mere retainer buried far away from his lord.'^'^ The style of adornments adopted by the monarch influenced not only the jewelry of his subjects but the visualization of the Egyptian gods and consequently their material property, including jewelry.'^® Many gods were conceived as rulers or young princes and so were represented in art with the royal appurtenances of the Pharaoh and his sons. A common title of goddesses was Mistress of Heaven and what more natural than to imagine a god’s consort as looking much like the Pharaoh’s queen? But the gods had also certain attributes original to themselves—headdresses inher¬ ited from primitive times when particular local gods, later among the great divini¬ ties of Egypt, wore towering crowns of feathers and horns, or objects carried in the hands, which originally symbolized their gifts to the king. Therefore in Egyptian art we see the gods wearing the royal crowns of Egypt and carrying the king’s scepters, and we also see the Pharaoh, impersonating one of the gods, wearing the headdress peculiar to this or that divinity. This inter-influence is such that it is often difficult to discover the origin of a particular attribute, whether first proper to a human king or to a god. The rich treasure of the temples, including jewelry actually placed, during the services, on the statues of the gods, was largely the gift of the king, in the earlier periods perhaps an evidence of real piety, later certainly, after the rise of a power¬ ful priesthood whose support the king needed, to a large extent political in purpose. Various lists of king’s gifts to the gods have come down to us—beginning as early as the twentieth century B.C.,"^^ and most impressively represented by the great Harris papyrus,®® which enumerates the benefits conferred by Ramses III (1198-1167 B.C.) upon all the principal temples of the land. Besides these royal documents, inscrip¬ tions of the officers who carried out the king’s purposes contain references to the jewels bestowed on the gods. In the mortuary stela of Mentuhotep, vizier under Sesostris I (1980-1935 B.C.), we hear of collars of real turquoise (not imitation turquoise, the narrator would have one understand), and of bracelets of every kind of costly stone given to the temple at Abydos.®^ And the chief treasurer of Sesos¬ tris III (1887-1849 B.C.), Ikhernofret, set up a monument®^ on which the king’s letter, commissioning him to go to Abydos and look after the royal works there, was copied. In this important inscription, which also gives some hints about the con¬ duct in Ikhernofret’s day, of the religious drama of Osiris’ death and resurrection, 77 Petrie, Gizeh and Rif eh, (Xlllth Publ. Egypt. Res. Acc. and Br. Sch. of Arch, in Eg. Xlllth Year), London, 1907, p. 6, PI. III. 78 In section E we shall have occasion to take up the influence of royal jewelry on the equipment of the dead. 79 Breasted, Records, I, § 500; Daressy, Annales, Vol. IV (1903), pp. 101-102, No. 2. Cf. Sethe, Urkunden, IV, pp. 22-4 (text) and Breasted, Records, II, §§ 29-32 (translation) for a list of the first half of the 16th cent. B.C., containing items such as “gold seals,” “necklaces of gold and silver, combined with lapis lazuli and turquoise,” etc. 80 S. Birch, Facsimile of an Egyptian Hieratic Papyrus of the Reign of Ramses III, novj in the British Museum, London, 1876. 81 Breasted, Records, I, § 534. In this passage and others quoted subsequently we have substituted “tur¬ quoise” for “malachite” in the translation. 82 Now in Berlin. Text, translation into German, and important discussion: Schafer, Mysterien des Osiris in Abydos; Engl, transl.: Breasted, Records, I, §§ 661-70. [13] we learn that the chief treasurer represented the king at the consecration of a new statue of the god,®^ and with his own hand decked the god with lapis lazuli and tur¬ quoise ^ electrum{?) and every costly stone, as ornaments of the limbs of the god. Perhaps the reader by this time has inferred that the king’s gifts of jewels were made in royal workshops at the capital city. This may well have been true respecting his gifts to his subjects, but apparently he did not usually send, or present in person, gifts of finished jewels, except some foreign pieces, won in the wars or acquired as tribute.®^ Rather, there are indications that the jewelry of the gods was made in temple workshops, as we have already noted (page 5), and that the king’s patron¬ age usually consisted in furnishing the unworked materials for the jewelry,in keeping control through his officers of the supplies possessed by the various tem¬ ples and of their further needs, and perhaps in sending royal artificers. The king Neferhotep of the Thirteenth Dynasty, however, boasted that he went to Abydos and himself superintended the work on the god’s cultus statue,and certain inscriptions have been interpreted to indicate that Thutmose III actually designed cultus objects for the god Amon.®^ In his care for the appropriate adornment of the gods, from the Egyptian point of view, the king was returning to them a part of what they had bestowed on him. During the Old Kingdom and earlier, lesser folk presumably received solace and help from their particular city gods, but the prominent gods of the land cared solely for the king! Many brought to him the supreme gifts of life, health, endurance, good for¬ tune, millions of years, but one in particular, Nekhbet, tutelary divinity of the South, had in her right,^® the gift of metals. In a relief from the funerary temple of Sahure,®^ she addresses the king: [/ give to thee to mine{?)~\ gold and to wash silver, in other words she promises him control over the regions where these metals were obtained, a promise which we may associate in thought with the sea expedition sent forth in Sahure’s reign, around 2740 B.C.,or earlier. Actually, in predynastic times, materials for jewelry which were not obtained in the deserts of the lower Nile Valley may have reached the borders of Egypt by trade routes, handed on from one people to another, and this kind of commerce, centering in border towns, such as the one at the first Nile cataract and the chief port on the Red Sea (near modern Koser?), obtained also down through Egyptian history.®^ So Aylward M. Blackman in Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings, New York and Edinburgh, Vol. X (1919), p. 294, in article “Priest, Priesthood.” S'* See Breasted, Records, II, § 654. S 5 Schafer, op. cit., p. 15. ss Eventually certain of the regions of Nubia which yielded gold were officially recognized as belonging to the Theban god Amon; cf. the title quoted on p. 4. See, for instance. Breasted, Records, I, §§ 607, 610. ss Breasted, Records, I, § 764; Schafer, loc. cit. Even these gifts in which Thutmose III took so personal an interest (Breasted, History, p. 310) and which are depicted in a relief at Karnak (see especially Sethe, Urkunden, IV, 633, 637), according to the legends in Menkheperreseneb’s tomb were actually made in the workshops of the temple of Amon (Breasted, Records, II, § 775). Evidence cited by Sethe in Borchardt, Sahti-re, II, p. 93; but, on occasion, other divinities, too, who pre¬ sided over the regions of the mines, promised the king metallic wealth; cf. Breasted, Records, III, p. 81, n. e. Borchardt, op. cit., PI. 18. Professor Reisner has pointed out that not even a beginning has been made in gathering the material on which a study of the ancient trade routes must be based: Boston Bulletin, Vol. XIII (1915), pp. 82-3. The [14] But soon after the organization of a united Egypt under Menes, the kings began to send expeditions to secure foreign supplies, probably first of all to the copper and turquoise mines in Sinai, where the series of inscrlptional records commences with Semerkhet of the First Dynasty, vividly designated by Professor Breasted as “the earliest known mining promoter”! These inscriptions continue Into the Twen¬ tieth Dynasty, that is, range from a time not later than 3200 B.C. to about 1150 B.C.^^ Only the resources of the king’s government could make possible the exploita¬ tion on a large scale of the wealth of the desert mountains and even then the difficul¬ ties were very great, as mining equipment, food, and often water, must be transported long distances on donkey back, and the attacks of hostile tribes must be guarded against. Echoes reach us In contemporary documents of the hardships endured; one official’s workmen complained of the excessive heat of the evil simmer season dur¬ ing which, contrary to the usual practice, an expedition had been sent to Sinai, but, despite the difficulties, their commander claimed: I led my army very kindly, and I was not loud-voiced toward the workmen. Counsellors confer with the king Ramses II, suggesting the necessity of digging for water, a proposal actually successfully car¬ ried out on the desert route in question.Ramses’ father, Seti I, himself journeyed out two days on another desert road to inspect conditions and established one or more wells on this road.^"^ Undoubtedly, too, it was the lure of gold which was the main incentive for the conquest of Nubia. Professor Reisner has found evidence of the presence of Egyp¬ tians as far south as the third Nile cataract (at the northern end of the present Don- gola province) even as early as the time of the Old Kingdom and of the Egyptian administration of that region during the Middle Kingdom.^® And many inscriptions testify to the frequent expeditions sent southward by the kings of Egypt. To some extent the kings themselves mined the gold of the northern Nubian deserts; largely, however, they exacted gold and minerals as tribute from the conquered tribes. An interesting commentary on these exactions may be read In the papyrus Roller of the close of the Nineteenth Dynasty, a papyrus containing sample letters to be copied by school-boys, for the sake of learning clear writing and elegant style. The third of these letters purports to be from an Egyptian governor of the land of Ethiopia, writing to one of the local chieftains urging him to increase his tribute. It gives an idea of one source of the king’s wealth in the gold wrought into dishes, refined gold{?) in bushels {?), good gold, red jasper, amethyst {f), and crystal, not to quote the conditions essential for commercial relations between peoples are discussed in a paper, “Early Communica¬ tion Between China and the Mediterranean,” submitted to the American Philosophical Society, Philadel¬ phia, April 21, 1921, by Wilfred H. Schoff. The Scientific Monthly, New York, Vol. IX (July-Dee. 1919), p. 569. Gardiner and Peet, The Inscriptions of Sinai. Part I. hitroduction and Plates (Eg. Expl. Fund. XXXVIth Memoir, for 1913-14), London, 1917, p. 5. 95 The Wadi Alaki, cf. p. 16. Seti I, in the same undertaking, had stopped just short of reaching water. 96 The Redesiya road, see below, p. 16. 97 See the fuller presentation of this material in Breasted, History, pp. 190, 191, 416, 421-2, with footnote references to the sources, published in translation in the same author’s Records. A.Z.y Vol. 52 (1914), pp. 36, 49, Boston Bulletin, Vol. XII (1914), p. 23. Cf. Excavations at Kerma, Pt. I (in Harvard African Studies, Vol. V), Cambridge, 1923, p. 4. 99 Gardiner, Egyptian Hieratic Texts, Series I: Literary Texts of the Nevif Kingdom, Pt. I, The Papyrus Anastasi I and the Papyrus Koller, Together vj'ith the Parallel Texts, Leipsic, 19H, pp. 40-42; Erman and Fritz Krebs, Aus den Papyrus der Koniglichen Museen (Handbiicher der Konigl. Museen. Berlin), 1899, pp. 96-7; Erman, Die Literatur der Aegypter, Leipsic, 1923, pp. 263-4. [15] other southern products, expected as tribute, and of the manner of its delivery in per¬ son by the southern chieftain, who is described as journeying to the Egyptian court, accompanied by a retinue with fans of gold and feathered headdresses, there to be re¬ ceived by the king, appearing above in the audience balcony: Be mindful of the day when the revenues are brought^ and thou passest into the Presence beneath the Bal¬ cony; the nobles ranged on either side in front of his Majesty, the chiefs and envoys of every land standing gazing and looking at the revenues. Thou art afraid and shrmkest {?), thy hand grows feeble, and thou knozvest not whether it be death or life that lies before thee! As a consequence of the Asiatic conquests of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties, the kings derived from Asia also gold, silver, and gem¬ stones, as spoils of war and as tribute. Lists of this treasure are to be found in the royal annals and many a pictorial record of the arrival of foreign tribute bear¬ ers, from all quarters of the ancient world, is contained in the paintings on the walls of Theban tombs. We turn now more particularly to the geographical sources of the materials rep¬ resented in the objects of the present catalogue. Foremost among these materials is gold, known from Egypt first in the flourishing Second Predynastic period, around 4000 B.C., or earlier, having come into use apparently later than copper, and in the same general period with silver, lapis lazuli, turquoise, garnet, amethyst, and haema¬ tite.^®^ The gold regions nearest to Egypt are in the Eastern Desert between the Nile Valley and the Red Sea, nearer to the sea. Their northern limit is about the twenty- eighth parallel of north latitude, that is the latitude of Beni Hasan and the south¬ ern tip of the peninsula of Sinai, their southern limit the eighteenth parallel,which passes somewhat south of Suakin on the Red Sea and the region of the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts of the Nile. Throughout this territory, given by the late Professor William Gowland as about two hundred and fifty thousand square miles,the gold is contained principally in quartz veins of the crystalline rocks and must be mined. In the ancient texts alluded to on pages 14 to 15, we hear of the gold mines accessi¬ ble from the Koptos-Koser road and from the Redesiya-Gebel Zebara route, leaving the Nile near El Kab, and of those in the Wadi Alaki in the northern Sudan—or Nubia, to use the common geographical term. All these, at one time and another, were worked by the Egyptians themselves. From around 1230 B.C., a map of one Translation of Gardiner, op. cii., p. 42. Breasted, Records, II, §§ 431, 435-6, etc.; 790; III, §§ 106, in, 151. So in the tomb of Puimre, recently published in full by the Metropolitan Museum of Art; Davies, Puyemre, I, Ch. V, Pis. I, XXX ff. For translations of the accompanying inscriptions and bibliography of the avail¬ able publications of the paintings of this character, see Breasted, Records, II, §§ 385-7, p. 159, notes c, g; §§ 760-61, p. 294, n. a; § 773, p. 300, n. a; §§ 1028-38, p. 420, n. a. loathe available evidence is only for certain villages of Upper Egypt: Petrie and Mace, Diospolis Parva, pp. 24-5, 29, and diagram PI. IV; Edward R. Ayrton and W. L. S. Loat, Pre-Dynasiic Cemetery at El Mahasna (XXXIst Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1911, pp. ii, 16, 30; Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt, pp. 27, 43-4. 104 w. F. Hume, The Topography and Geology of the Peninsula of Sinai {South-Eastern Portion), Survey De¬ partment, Egypt, Cairo, 1906, p. 117. ^05 Stanley C. Dunn, Notes on the Mineral Deposits of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Khartoum, 1911, p. 13. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, London, Vol. XLII (1912), p. 255, in an important paper “The Metals in Antiquity.” But for alluvial deposits, see Dunn, Mineral Deposits, pp. 47, 48, 51, 62; these are apparently for the most part “deep level,” or “ancient, placers,” in contrast to the numerous “shallow placers” of the southern Sudan. of the gold regions is preserved, which hitherto has been valued chiefly as the oldest map known to geographers! Scholars have not yet come to an agreement about the locality shown, but Dr. Gardiner has made progress in translating its legends and in proving that what formerly was supposed to be two maps comprises really the parts of one, and he has pointed out the need of a new edition of this unique document.^®® Thus far, inscriptions in situ and other Egyptian texts have been the means of identi¬ fying only a few ancient gold mines, but in the surveys carried out by the Egyptian government and especially in the prospecting done for private mining companies, numerous ancient workings, together with the houses of the small mining towns near them and the apparatus used in extracting the gold, have been located.^®® Mr. S. C. Dunn writes that at least eighty-five old workings which may certainly be attrib¬ uted to the Egyptians or Mediaeval Arabs prior to the tenth century after Christ, lie within Sudanese territory, north of the eighteenth parallel, north latitude. The ac¬ counts available of old workings are tantalizing, however, in the range of possible date given and we have no definite list of those gold mines which can be proved to have been worked by the Pharaohs.The roll of modern mining companies which have attempted to reopen the old mines is a long one,^^^ but generally the companies have not achieved financial success and one by one have given up their concessions. Various writers have mentioned, in addition to the difficulties of transport and of obtaining water with which also the Egyptians of old had to contend, the absence of that abundant forced labor which enabled the ancients to work poorer veins than can be mined profitably today.^^® Certainly, now, in much of this region, the gold is in minute particles, invisible to the unaided eye,^^^ although no doubt the outcrops and superficial deposits of auriferous bodies exhausted in antiquity were richer in gold. 108 “Xhe Map of the Gold Mines in a Ramesside Papyrus at Turin” in The Cairo Scientific Journal, Vol. VIII, Alexandria, 1914, pp. 41 ff. Efforts to locate the mines of this map: H. T. Ferrar, C.S.J., Vol. VII, pp. 247-51; E. S. Thomas, C.S.J., Vol. VII, pp. 158-60. Original publication: J. Lieblein, Deux papyrus hieraiiques du Musee de Turin, Christiania, 1868. Re-edited by Franz Joseph Lauth, “Die alteste Land- karte nubischer Goldminen” in Sitzungsh eric hie der Konigl. bayerisclien Akademie d. JVissenschaften, Munich, 1870, Vol. II, pp. 337-72 and “Die zweitalteste Landkarte,” 1871, Vol. I, pp. 190-238. Excerpts reproduced in Erman, Life in Anc. Eg,, p. 467; Erman-Ranke, Aegypten, p. 557; Gowland, Journ. Royal Anthr. Inst., Vol. XLII, p. 255; Schafer, Von dgyptischer Kunst, besonders der Zeichenkunst, 2nd ed., Leipsic, 1922, p. 181, Fig. 151. John Ball, The Geography and Geology of South-Eastern Egypt, Survey Department, Cairo, 1912, pp. 30, 31, 352; Charles J. Alford, “Gold Mining in Egypt” in Transactions of the Institution of Mining and Metallurgy, nth session 1901-02, London, Vol. 10, pp. 11-12; cf. T. Barron and Hume, Topography and Geology of the Eastern Desert of Egypt. Central Portion, Geological Survey Report, Cairo, 1902, pp. 43, 226. Dunn, Mineral Deposits, especially pp. 45, 48, 50, 55-6, 62. The older literature on the Eastern Desert is given in detail in the bibliographies of the volumes issued by the Egyptian Government’s Survey Department. For a vividly written popular description, see Weigall, Travels in the Upper Egyptian Des¬ erts, Edinburgh and London, 1909. Mineral Deposits, p. 13. m Mr. Dunn, op. cit., p. 25, remarks on the absence of hieroglyphic inscriptions in the Sudanese mines; probably, then, the Pharaohs did not themselves work mines situated south of the Wadi Alaki. 1^2 Ball, op. cit., p. 28; especially Dunn, Mineral Deposits, with map of the various mining concessions, and the statement, p. 13, that “owing to the difficulties of transport and the absence of water in sufficient quantities, only one mine, Om Nabardi, is at present (1911) being worked”; cf. pp. 8-9, and 38 ff. The standing of the “Sudan Gold Field,” the company which worked this mine, was still being given in the Monthly Mining Handbook vjith Price Lists, etc., London, Mid-July, 1921, pp. 50-51. Cf. further G. Schweinfurth, Annales, Vol. IV (1903), pp. 268-80. Ball, op. cit., p. 352; Alford, Trans., Vol. 10, p. 4; Gowland, Journ. Royal Anthr. Inst., Vol. XLII, p. 255. 11^ Ball, op. cit., p. 352. Cf. Alford, Trans., Vol. 10, p. 24; Barron and Hume, Eastern Desert. Central Portion, p. 260. At the mines the gold ore was first broken into larger fragments which were rubbed with stones on rubbing mills into pieces no bigger than a pea, then ground to powder between two circular grindstones; this powder was washed on sloping boards, when the heavier metal remained behind on the boards. The water for the washing was sometimes obtained from natural basins in the mountains, where it gathered dur¬ ing the occasional heavy rains, oftener by driving wells.At many mines the gold concentrates were melted and the earthy matter slagged off for the purpose of getting the metal into a more concentrated and easily portable shape. But melting went on also at convenient points where the roads from the mines emerged in the valley. Ore from the Om Nabardi mine, to the south of the Wadi Alaki, was perhaps melted in antiquity near Kerma at the Third Cataract, where large mounds of slag and broken crucibles testify to this industry of earlier days.^^*^ The Egyptians obtained gold also from parts more distant than the Eastern Desert. Gold was fetched as early as the reign of Sahure (2740 B.C., or earlier) from the land of Punt,^^® usually identified with the Somali coast, to the southeast of Abyssinia, and in the days of Queen Hatshepsut (about 1475 B.C.) the green gold of Emu, procured in Punt, was highly prized.Still other regions which come into consideration are the Sudan from somewhat south of the twelfth parallel to the bor¬ ders of Abyssinia, with its alluvial deposits, and portions of western Asia Minor with streams bearing alluviai gold. Gowland cited the stela of Sihathor, assist¬ ant treasurer under Amenemhet II, as proving that the washing of alluvial deposits in the Sudan was a flourishing industry in the twentieth century B.C. But in our view, Sihathor’s words, I forced the {Nubian) chiefs to wash gold, do not necessarily apply solely, or even chiefly; to the recovery of alluvial gold. The same idiom occurs in the inscriptions of the temple on the Redesiya road.^^^ On the Kubban stela,it is used with reference to the extraction of gold in the Wadi Alaki, and it may well have denoted the tedious, but essential, process of washing the powdered ore on sloping tables, the more so as the Egyptians had a parallel expression to zvash silver (p^g^ 14) • Even in the absence of definite inscriptional proof, how- On these processes see: Gowland, Journ. Royal Antlir. hist., Vol. XLII, pp. 256-7; Dunn, op. cit., 17-25; Alford, Trans., Vol. 10, pp. 11-12; Erman, Life in Anc. Eg., pp. 463-4; Erman-Ranke, op. cit., pp. 553 ff. Dunn, Mineral Deposits, pp. 8, 24, 46; Alford, Trans., Vol. 10, pp. 7-8, 13-14, 29; Wilkinson, The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, London, Vol. II (1832), pp. 38, 39, 42, etc. Reisner, A.Z., Vol. 52 (1914), p. 36; Dunn, Mineral Deposits, p. 23; both these authors refer to the “smelting” of gold ore in the Nile Valley, but do not particularize as to the process they suppose to have been used. Mr. Kenneth B. Lewis of the Morgan Construction Co. has pointed out to us that the wash¬ ing described above would presumably yield the gold in the form of dirty dust after which no process properly called smelting was required, but only melting in crucibles to slag away the dirt. Sethe in Borchardt, Sahu-re, II, p. 126. Cf. Breasted, Records, I, § 161. ii^Naville, Deir el Bahari, Part III (XVIth Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1898, PI. LXXIV; Breasted, Records, II, § 265. Journ. Royal Anthr. Inst., Vol. XLII, p. 254. Cf. Breasted, Records, I, § 602. 121 Breasted, Records, III, §§ 192-3. 122 Breasted, op. cit., Ill, § 286. 123 Referring to the silver mines at Laurion in Attica, of later, but ancient, times, Gowland noted that “much of the ore apparently was poor and required concentration to free it from impurities and gangue. This was effected by a series of washings wdth water, the cisterns of which are very numerous on all the sites of the old mines”; see his paper “Silver in Roman and Earlier Times. 1 . Pre-historic and Proto- historic Times” in Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity, Vol. LXIX, for 1917-18 = Second Series, Vol. XIX, London, 1920, p. 149, citing also, p. 146, Edouard Ardaillon, Les mines du Laurion, Paris, 1897. It would seem that these processes of concentration by washing were taken by [18J ever, the likelihood that Egypt may have obtained a part of her gold from the regions of the Blue Nile is considerable^-^ Whether or not Egypt received also alluvial gold from Asia Minor as early as the time of the First Dynasty, or at any time, can hardly be decided under the present lack of data bearing on the question. Professor Petrie and Dr. J. H. Gladstone influenced by the reputation of Asia Minor for yielding electrum, suggested this source for certain specimens of gold taken out of early Egyptian tombs which were found by analysis to be high in silver, but although such a possibility is not to be de¬ nied, the strength of their opinion depends on the assumption that gold high in silver was not readily obtainable from the desert immediately east of Egypt, or from the south, which is much to postulate.The expressions Asiatic and Ketem goldy^^^^ found in texts subsequent to 1300 B.C., have not been localized; they refer to gold brought to Egypt from Asia, some of which may conceivably have been ex¬ tracted in Africa and sent to Asia to return as tribute or spoils of war I Alluvial gold, because of the ease of its recovery, is often thought to have at- the Egyptians as typical of all the processes which went on at the mines. Cf. also Herbert Clark Hoover and Lou Henry Hoover, Georgius Agricola. De Re Metallica, translated from the first Latin edition of 1556, London, 1912, p. 279, note 8; the Egyptian scenes and their legends, however, which the authors, following Wilkinson, suppose to refer to the concentration of gold by washing have a different signifi¬ cance; they are workshop scenes of the utilization of gold after its extraction had been completed; the preceding metallurgical processes did not interest the artists of the Nile Valley and are never represented on Eg}^ptian monuments. In this note the authors cite also the evidence preserved by Strabo (HI, 2, 10) that, previous to the Christian era, in the mines of Spain, lead-silver ores were concentrated by five suc¬ cessive washings, during which the ore was handled in sieves. 124 Professor Reisner, who writing in 1914 (see p. 18, n. 117), suggested the Om Nabardi mines as the probable source, or at least one source, of the gold found abundantly at Kerma, later, in 1915 (p. 14, n. 92), quoted Mr. Dunn as considering the alluvial deposits on the Abyssinian border the most prob¬ able source of this gold; cf. Breasted, History, pp. 136 ff. With reference to the conveying of the southern gold as far as Dongola, an observation of the Austrian mining expert, Russegger, has interest, inasmuch as modern conditions in backward countries are often a continuation of what has been going on for ages. At the request of Mohammed Ali, Russegger was sent in 1838 into the gold regions of the Blue Nile, and he reported the natives of the Dul range and neighboring mountains as under the in¬ fluence of Dongolawi, to whom they much looked up, and with whom they carried on a trade in gold (Dunn, Mineral Deposits, p. 29). Royal Tombs. II, p. 40; Ancient Egypt, 1915, p. 15. 126 In Petrie, Dendereh. l8g8, (XVIIth Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1900, pp. 61-2. 127 Analyses of gold obtained in modern times from Egyptian and Sudanese sources have not been accessible to us. Moller in the Orientalistische-Literaturzeitung, Leipsic, Vol. 18 (1915), col. 79, in a paper proving the Hittite word for silver to be derived from the Eg>^ptian word for the same metal, referred to Nubian gold as “fairly high in silver”; cf. Gowland’s suggestion, spoken of on our p. 21, involving a belief that Nubia yielded gold alloys high in silver. Mr. Dunn, Mineral Deposits, pp. 9, 28, 30, 34, reported the gold of the southern Sudan to be of a high degree of purity. But the French mineralogist Cailliaud, writing in the early part of the last century, said that two qualities were to be distinguished: that of Qamamyl was the better; the other from the neighborhood of Mount Taby was alloyed with silver and had a greenish-yellow color; see Voyage a Meroe, au Fleuve Blanc, au deld de Fazoql, dans le midi du royaume de Senndr, a Syouah et dans cinq autres oasis; fait dans les annSes 1819, 1820, 1821 et 1822, Vol. Ill, Paris, 1826, p. 19. And what was the “green gold of Emu” if not a gold-silver alloy? 128 Breasted, Records, IV, § 26; time of Ramses III. The files of the Berlin Dictionary, so Dr. Grapow in¬ forms us, include a passage from the Luxor temple in which Asiatic gold is mentioned, and this text is of the time of Ramses 11 . i 2 J>Erman, Life in Anc. Eg., p. 464; Breasted, op. cit., p. 117, note d, citing Diimichen, A. Z., Vol. X (1872), pp. 44-5. We learn from Dr. Grapow that “Ketem gold” is heard of first in the great Harris papyrus and subsequently only in texts of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. 130 qp. Kirke Rose, The Metallurgy of Gold, 6th ed., London, 1915, p. i, quoting Gowland; Berthelot, An- nales, Vol. II (1901), p. 157, in an article: “Sur For egyptien.” [19] I i T : 5 r ■ I tracted man’s attention before gold or other metals were mined, but the earliest Egyptians of whom we have knowledge lived after the men of their world had learned the art of smelting and probably had begun to mine metals. For, simultane¬ ously with gold, silver made its appearance in Upper Egypt and since silver is unlikely to be found in any quantity native in surface deposits, and its extraction presupposes mining operations, we may reasonably infer that the earliest known gold from Egypt, also, may have been mined in parts of the Eastern Desert accessible from the Koptos-Koser road, near the Nile Valley terminus of which it was found. Over the same road, quite possibly, silver, too, first entered Upper Egypt. Gowland expressed the view that silver from the first was probably extracted from ordinary lead ores, or from silver ores associated with lead ores, involving two processes, one to free the argentiferous lead and a second tedious process to extract the silver from the lead.^^^ On account of the more difficult mining and metallurgical operations thus necessary for obtaining silver, as compared with those employed to free copper and gold, the question of the place of origin of the earliest examples of this metal from Egypt has a special interest. Are we to think of the Egyptians, or of more dis¬ tant peoples, as the leaders in these practical arts? The amount of silver which was deposited in the predynastic cemeteries of the villages along the Nile, even when allowance is made for its liability to be converted into silver chloride, and in this form to be overlooked by excavators, is still markedly less than that of gold. Its relative scarcity has led to the opinion that from the time of its earliest occurrence ^81 Unlike Crete, where, at Knossos, a great neolithic accumulation underlies the deposits of the Bronze Egypt’s Neolithic period has left no readily accessible traces. Copper occurs sparingly in Egyptian graves of the earliest known type, although not by any means in all these graves, and Professor Petrie even denies that Egypt ever had a neolithic culture {Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, IQ18-19, Manchester, 1920, p. 13). Professor Breasted, however, believes that its later products are yet to be recovered from cemeteries underlying the cultivation at the outer edge and that its earlier stages are in part represented by pottery found in boring down through the alluvium at Memphis and Heliopolis {The Scientific Monthly, Vol. IX, pp. 307-11). ^32 Petrie and Mace, Diospolis Parva, pp. 24-5, 29, and diagram, PI. IV; Petrie and Quibell, Naqada and Balias, London, 1896, pp. 45-6, 48, PI. LXV; Ayrton and Loat, El Mahasna, pp. 16, 30; Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt, pp. 27, 43, including “silver in fused buttons.” See also reference to silver in Maciver and Mace, El Amrah and Abydos, p. 49. Cf. below, n. 134. Archaeologia, Vol. XIX (1920), pp. 121-3. He regards the possibility that silver was discovered native in any quantity by early man or extracted by one smelting from keragyrite (silver chloride) as almost negligible. Pertinent to the discussion is the fact that both lead and its principal ore galena occur in predynastic Egyptian graves, although the former is not plentiful (Petrie and Mace, Diospolis Parva, p. 25; Naville, The Cemeteries of Abydos. Part L, XXXIIIrd Memoir, Eg. Expl. Fund, London, 1914, pp. 17, E 370, E 381 and 28, tomb 86; Petrie, Ancient Egypt, 1915, pp. 16-17, and Prehistoric Egypt, pp. 27, 43). The problem is clearly defined in H. C. and L. H. Hoover, Agricola, p. 390, note 23, but the writers were without sufficient data from Egypt. ^34 Gowland in Archaeologia, Vol. XIX, pp. 135-6 rightly emphasized this relative scarcity, but his enumera¬ tion of examples of silver from Egypt is far from exhaustive, even for examples which have been pub¬ lished, and takes no account of the presumable existence in various collections of unpublished pieces, such as the two silver rings of the XVIIIth Dyn., now made available in this catalogue as Nos. 26-7. Since his article was written some silver jewelry has been found with the mummy of the baby princess Mait of the Xlth Dyn., see p. 237, under e. And we have a long list of occurrences of silver in the Xllth Dyn. Moller listed twelve early occurrences of silver known to him, ranging from the Second Predynastic period to the beginning of the HIrd Dyn. {Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, Vol. 18, col. 78), which in¬ clude nearly all the examples of our n. 132 above, and in addition: Quibell, Archaic Objects (Cairo Catal.)y Cairo, 1905, Nos. 14514-6, PI. LVHI; Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty, iqoo. Part I (XVIIIth Memoir. Eg. Expl. Fund), London, 1900, p. 28, “traces of silver objects” in the tomb of Mersekha; and silver beads published by Mace, The Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Der, Part [20] in Egypt silver was an Asiatic product.But this relative scarcity might be due to a relatively limited near supply of the metal, or to the fact that an immense amount of ore must be mined to yield a very little silver.^^® The late Professor Georg Moller made the suggestion that unimportant silver mines may have existed in Nubia in early times, which, then, were exhausted before the Eighteenth Dynasty when the Egyptians began regularly to derive silver from Asia; his opinion was based on texts of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods naming silver as one of the products of Nubia—texts which he regarded as derived from earlier sources. But since the mines have not been located in the country, one may question whether silver really was mined there, or only reduced from native alloys of gold and silver, after the ancients had learned to part the two metals (compare, however, below, note 174). In¬ deed, Gowland at one time entertained the thought that the earliest known silver from Egypt might have been reduced from Nubian electrum; but at that time he was under the impression that no silver antedating the Eighteenth Dynasty had been found in Egypt. Perhaps of value for this discussion is the fact that “old work¬ ings’’ of lead ore were discovered by Mr. Alford about forty miles north of Koser, where silver was present In the ore In the proportion of three ounces to the ton and that lead ore has been found also at Gebel Rossas, sixty-eight miles south of Koser we seem, therefore, hardly warranted in excluding the possibility that the silver of earliest date found in archaeological excavations In Egypt came from the near Eastern Desert. According to a hypothesis of Mr. Ernest A. Floyer,^^^ cited by Mr. Dunn,^^^ In primitive times, desert tribes whose chief occupation was mining lived in the mountains near the Red Sea. If this was so, then the “Bedouins” pictured in a relief on a rock wall of the Wadi Maghara of the Sinaitic peninsula as smitten by the Egyptian king Semerkhet (compare page 15) may have been similar local tribes of miners. Not until the beginning of the Fifth Dynasty is silver mentioned in surviv- II (Univ. of Calif. Publications. Egypt. Arch., Vol. Ill), Leipsic, 1909, pp. 26, 48, PI. 48 b. Further, Moller called attention in Schafer, Goldschmiedearheiten, under No. 7, to “silver oxide” on parts of a cylinder seal of the IVth Dyn. and we doubt not that such evidence of the use of silver has often escaped notice. 135 Petrie, Ancient Egypt, 1915, p. 16 and Prehistoric Egypt, p. 27. 136 In predynastic times, if ever, gold was available in the Eastern Desert in abundant deposits and then, if not later, the yield may have been large in proportion to the amount of ore mined. Cf. above, p. 17. 137 Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, vol. 18, cols. 78-9. Whether Moller had in mind mines of slight extent or those containing only low-grade ore is not made clear. 138 Cf. Sethe in Borchardt, Sahu-re, II, p. 93, giving the ancient sources. ^^^Journ. Royal Anthr, Inst., Vol. XLII, p. 269. Trans., Vol. lo, p. 14; Barron and Hume, op. cit., p. 259. The percentage of silver found is very low (cf. Gowland, Archaeologia, XIX, pp. 122, 148), but one must consider the possibility that in antiquity ores richer in silver than any now known may have existed in these regions. Mention may be made also of the occurrence in the copper mines of Lake Superior, often close to the surface, of nodules of native silver enveloped in native copper; see Frank Wigglesworth Clarke, The Data of Geochemistry (United States Geological Survey, Bulletin 695), Washington, 4th ed., 1920, pp. 653, 661. We are not aware, however, that native silver has ever been found with the copper of the Sinaitic peninsula or with that of the Eastern Desert. i**! Hume, Catalogue of the Geological Museum, Cairo, 1905, pp. 8, 27. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, Vol. XXIV (1892), pp. 811 ff., in a paper “The Mines of the Northern Etbai,” especially pp. 822-3, 833. One may entertain Mr. Floyer’s main contention without following him in supposing that these desert tribes were negroid in their racial characteristics. Cf. Alford, Trans., Vol. X, p. 5. 143 Mineral Deposits, p. 13* [21] Ing Egyptian Inscriptions; then it was procured from some country reached by the king’s sea-faring vessels, whether possibly from a port along the Red Sea coast, or, as Professor Breasted suggested, “from Cilicia in Asia Minor.” Among the gem-stones represented in the objects of the present catalogue, tur¬ quoise is the one about whose source we are best Informed. This gem was mined in the peninsula of Sinai and is known to occur in two places, Gebel Maghara and Serabit el-Khadim,^^® about six days’ journey on camel-back from Suez. In 1919, Mr. Feet, who is collaborating with Dr. Gardiner in editing the Sinaltic texts, delivered an ad¬ dress “New Light on Ancient Mining in Sinai” before the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, in which, as summarized later In technical journals,he said that natural turquoise Is seldom found in Egyptian jewelry; it was used freely in the extant royal bracelets of the First Dynasty,^^® but he was unacquainted with indubitable examples from later periods and he reported M. Vernier, who catalogued the Egyp¬ tian jewelry in the Cairo Museum, as being “uncertain,” even with reference to the princesses’ jewels from Dashur, “whether the turquoise is natural, or made of ground turquoise and glass-moulded.” Mr. Peet referred to the tendency of turquoise from Sinai to deteriorate, saying further that probably “the Egyptians used It chiefly as a colouring matter for their glazes and paints, after crushing it down.” Interest there¬ fore attaches to Mr. Whitlock’s verdict that the lighter colored inlays of our No. 104 consist of the mineral turquoise.It is to be hoped that in time M. Vernier’s ob¬ servations will be supplemented by examination on the part of mineralogists of sup¬ posed examples of turquoise scattered in Egyptian collections, until a consensus of opinion is reached; thus far the identity of the turquoise in the Lahun jewels, which, like the jewels from Dashur, date from the nineteenth century B.C., has not been questioned. Further, an authority on turquoise, Mr. J. E. Pogue, after mention¬ ing the reputation of the Nishapur stones for permanency of color and those from Sinai for fading, added: “In general, however, each locality has furnished stones of permanent color, as well as those that soon altered.” The question of imitation versus real turquoise is given additional importance by its bearing on the history of the making of glass in Egypt. The tendency of recent opinion is to carry back the origin of glass as distinct from that of vitreous glazes to very early times, indeed into the fourth, if not the fifth, millennium B.C. Professor Petrie, who in 1910 wrote that “there does not seem to have been any working of glassy material by itself, apart Cf. above, p. 14. To the scene described is to be added the legend giving the material, “silver,” of vessels pictured in Sahu-re’s funerary temple; Borchardt, Sahu-re, II, p. 126, PI. 61 e; also a legend on a relief from the Sun-temple at Abu Gurob, mentioned by Moller, loc. cit. History, p. 94. Barron, The Topography and Geology of the Peninsula of Sinai {Western Portion)^ Survey Department, EgyP^ Cairo, 1907, p. 209; Joseph E. Pogue, The Turquois (National Academy of Sciences, Washington, Vol. XII, Part II, 3rd Memoir), 1915, pp. 8, 28-9; Petrie, Researches in Sinai, London, 1906, pp. 36, 49, 61, 69-70. Journ. Manchester Egypt, and Or. Soc. igiS-iQiQ, 1920, pp. 21-2; more briefly, J. E. A., Vol. VI (1920), p. 284. Cf. p. 23, n. 154. Mr. Whitlock tells us also that he has examined Egyptian scarabs which consisted of the mineral tur¬ quoise. 150 ( 9 ^^ fi/., p. 24. We should, perhaps, not fail to mention Mr. Pogue’s suggestion (p. 30, note 3) that some of the turquoise from ancient Egyptian tombs may have come from Persia, a suggestion made on the assumption that lapis lazuli was derived from Persia and that turquoise may have traveled equally far. [22] from a base of stone or pottery, until after 1600 in 1920 described a blue glass head of Hathor from the Predynastic period,and Professor Newberry, also in 1920, published a paper in which he discussed the history of glass and accepted M. Vernier’s verdict that some of the sky-blue beads of the early bracelets mentioned above were made of glass imitating turquoise,and cited a few other objects of early date which he believed to be glass. The frequency with which in Egyptian texts the name of a gem-stone is accompanied by the adjective real, as in the passage quoted on page 13, is plausibly explained by the practice of using side by side with the minerals good artificial substitutes for the minerals, but we need further information about the beginnings of this practice. Unlike turquoise, which is confined to a few localities on the earth’s surface, car- nelian (Nos. 3, 89), a form of quartz, is abundantly distributed. The Egyptians may have got a part of their supply close at hand on the desert, another part may have been procured from Arabia, whence today much of the carnelian worked into beads in the Netherlands and sold in New York is reported to come; and Cailliaud men¬ tioned picking up carnelian as well as onyx (No. 84), another compact form of quartz, in the Nubian desert near Abu Simbel. Jasper, belonging in the same cate¬ gory of minerals, was mined in antiquity in the Wadi Hammamat, reached from the Koptos-Koser road, where the supply today is of good quality but small in quan¬ tity; whether, however, our specimen. No. 88, came into Egypt in ancient or mod¬ ern times is uncertain. Steatite (Nos. 17, 20)^^'’^ was obtainable in the Eastern Desert and presumably green felspar or amazon stone (No. 23),^^® too, was mined there. Mr. Whitlock informs us that garnet may occur in almost any granitic rock and it has actually been reported as present in a number of localities of the Eastern Desert and of Sinai.Early in the last century a notable specimen was published which Cailliaud The Arts and Crafts of Ancient Egypt (The World of Art Series), Chicago, pp. 119-20. Prehistoric Egypt, p. 43. 163 Glass Chalice of Tuthmosis III’’ in J, E. A,, Vol. VI, especially p. 159, with n. 3. 154 In Bijoux, I, M. Vernier, cataloguing these bracelets, inclined to consider the large majority of the blue beads of No. 52008 as pate de verre, although to deny the existence among them of some made of the mineral he thought would be rash; with respect to the light blue beads of No. 52009, he hesitated; those of Nos. 52010-11 he designated simply as “turquoise,” referring the reader, however, for the last number, to his remarks under 52008. 155 Poyage a Voasis de Thebes et dans les deserts situes a Vorient et a ^Occident de la Thebdide, fait pendant les annees 1815, 1816, 1817, et 1818, edited by M. Jomard, Paris, 1821, p. 80. 156 Barron and Hume, Eastern Desert. Central Portion, pp. 52, 261, 266. But the Wadi Hammamat was presumably not the only, although it may have been the earliest, source for jasper. Cf. our p. 15 and Gardiner, Anastasi I, p. 41, n. 10, also G. A. Hoskins, Travels hi Ethiopia above the Second Cataract of the Nile, London, 1835, pp. 27, 35, 266. In modern times jasper has been observed in the Wadi Saga of the Egyptian Eastern Desert and “old workings” of jasper have been found in the region of Gebel Hadra- bia; see Barron and Hume, op. cit., pp. 221, 228. 157 In Ball, South-Eastern Egypt, p. 348, the occurrence of “old mines” of steatite near parallel 25° N. is mentioned, but this is unlikely to be the only source of supply of so common a mineral and Mr. Ball named some other deposits. 158 The abundant use of this mineral in Egyptian jewelry bespeaks for it a near source of supply, presumably among the pegmatitic occurrences in the Eastern Desert. The only deposits to which we have found refer¬ ence are at Gebel Migif, somewhat south of parallel 25° N. See Ball, South-Eastern Egypt, p. 272, refer¬ ring to “crystals of green microcline, similar to the well-known Pike’s Peak mineral.” 159 Hume, A Preliminary Report on the Geology of the Eastern Desert of Egypt Betvoeen Latitude 22^ N. and 25° N., Survey Department, Cairo, 1907, pp. 44-5; Barron and Hume, op. cit., pp. 170, 218; Hume, Sinai {South-Eastern Portion), p. 173. [23] had bought at Elephantine and in the accompanying account of his travels he states that he often saw perfect crystals of garnet for sale among the natives at Elephantine and at Assuan, but could not learn from what region the stones were procured, although he did not suppose their source to be far distant. Emerald, imi¬ tated in the pendants of No. 65, was mined near Gebel Zebara on the Red Sea, some¬ what south of the twenty-fifth parallel. The ancient mines were discovered by Cailliaud,^®^ who was sent out in 1816 by Mohammed Ali to search for them; Mo¬ hammed Ali did not, however, succeed in exploiting them. More recently Mr. Alford expressed a favorable opinion of the chances for mining there and for a time min¬ ing was resumed in the ancient workings. Lapis lazuli, included in Nos. 3, 16, and 104, is not known to occur in nature nearer to Egypt than Persia. The Egyptian name, Tefroret, later Tefror, of the region from which it came is preserved, but the location of Tefroret is still undeter¬ mined.^®^ Lapis lazuli is less common in Egyptian jewelry than carnelian and ama¬ zon stone, being more often represented by substitutes. In Senebtisi’s jewels, beads of genuine lapis lazuli occur only in her finest girdle,although her other jewels contain genuine carnelian and amazon stone; in some or all of the latter pieces, the color of lapis lazuli was represented by a composition, apparently not glass. Com¬ paratively rare and expensive as it always remained, lapis lazuli was not late in reach¬ ing Egypt, but was available there in the Second Predynastic period, and sporadi¬ cally even earlier, a fact of importance for our conception of the amount of inter¬ course, direct or indirect, which was going on between peoples of the Near East and of northern Africa in the fourth or fifth millennium B.C. Indeed, all consideration of the geographical sources of the materials of Egyptian jewelry is of greater inter¬ est in its relation to economic and cultural conditions than in bringing forth isolated pieces of information! But, as Mr. Peet gave warning,much caution is necessary in using such evidence; a substance supposed to be absent from a given region may later be discovered there, and only cumulative evidence of this kind may be trusted. These larger relations of the subject of jewelry and its materials would take us be¬ yond the limits which must be set to this Introduction and we leave them, referring the reader, however, for the early period, to Professor Breasted’s engaging picture of Egypt as El Dorado of early man, where many of the practical arts were first devel¬ oped,^®® and to a paper by Professor M. Rostovtzefi,^®^ which, as characterized by Cailliaud, Voyage d l^oasis de Thebes, PI. IX, Fig. 7; p. 80, referring to garnet also in the region of Gebel Zebara. These statements and the references of the preceding note render unnecessary Mr. Mac- Iver’s view that garnet w^as perhaps obtained from afar, Maciver and Mace, El Amrah and Abydos, p. 49. Jomard in Voyage d I'oasis de Thebes, p. XI, and Ch. II with Cailliaud’s notes. Trans., Vol. 10, p. 15. 163 Hume, Catal. Geol. Mus. Cairo, p. 27. 164 Gardiner, J. E. A., Vol. IV (1917), p. 37, with n. 4. Just as Egypt was famous for its gold, so the coun¬ tries of the Near East had an abundant supply of lapis lazuli. In the correspondence preserved in the Amarna letters, the kings of Babylonia and Mitanni mention gifts of lapis lazuli which they are sending to the Egyptian king and beg for return gifts of gold. See J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna~Tafeln {Vor¬ der asiatische Bibliothek)y Leipsic, 1915. 165 Mace and Winlock, Senebtisi, pp. 68-9. 166 Petrie and Mace, Diospolis Parva, p. 27, diagram PI. IV; Moller, Mitteilung der D. O. G., Berlin, No. 30 (1906), p. 20; Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt, p. 44. 167 In a paper “Early Relations of Eg>’pt and Asia,” Journ. Manchester Egypt, and Oriental Soc., 1915, p. 32. 168 “Xhe Origins of Civilization” (Lectures on the William Ellery Hale Foundation) in The Scientist Monthly, Vol. IX, pp. 289-316, 416-32, 561-77, Vol. X (Jan.-June, 1920), pp. 86-105, 182-209, 249-68. 169 “Xhe Sumerian Treasure of Astrabad,” J. E. A., Vol. VI (1920), pp. 4-27. [24] Mr. Griffith/’^^ “seems to point to a culture spread widely in the nearer East and differentiated gradually in the various centres during the fourth millennium B.C.” We come now to a consideration of the alloys of gold and silver found in ancient jewelry from Egypt. The general use of “fine,” or pure, gold is often attributed to the Egyptians, although the color of the earlier jewelry is against such a view. Until a late time the Egyptians used, not fine gold, but in their better jewelry, gold of high carat, from about seventeen to twenty-two,and even such gold has a rich lovely hue and a beauty of surface which give a special charm to the personal ornaments made of it. The Egyptian practice is in contrast to that of the present day when fourteen carat is a good standard quality, eighteen is used comparatively little, and any orna¬ ment of gold exceeding eighteen carat must be made as a special order. The Egyp¬ tians employed, however, also gold of lower carat. Just what qualities are covered by the term “base gold,” occasionally found in the writings of Egyptologists,^"^" awaits determination by analysis. But the present catalogue includes a number of pieces of which the gold certainly falls below seventeen carat, as may be seen in the following approximate determinations,expressed in carats: 9.6 (No. 31); 12.0 (No. 33); 12.6 (No. 28) ; 13.3 (No. 115) ; 17.0 (No. 45); 19.7 (No. 81) ; 20.1 (No. 29) ; 20.7 (No. 25) ; 21.3 (No. 34). E. A., Vol. VI, p. 283. Professor Rostovtzeff himself, however, in Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, Oxford, 1922, Ch. II, places his ‘‘copper age” culture in the Illrd millennium B.C. This estimate for the Egyptian material involved is later than the most conservative dating current among Egyptologists. 171 We have calculated the carat from all the published analyses of gold found in Egypt on which we could lay our hands. We tabulate the results here, giving references for the publication of each analysis and in parentheses the name of the analytical chemist. A. 1 st Dyn.: three gold-silver alloys, 19.i, 20.15, 20.2 carat (Gladstone) ; Petrie, Royal Tombs, II, pp. 39-40. B. Vlth Dyn.: two gold-silver alloys, trace of copper in second, 18.7, 19.6 carat (Gladstone); Petrie, Den- dereh, pp. 61-2. C. Vlth (or Xlth?) Dyn.; two gold-silver alloys, 22.12, 22.15 carat (Berthelot) ; Annales du Service, II, p. 158; Jotirn. Royal Anthr. Inst., XLII, p. 253; Annales de chimie et de physique, 7th series, Paris, Vol. XXI (1900), p. 203; Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des seances de VAcademie des Sciences, Paris, Vol. CXXXI (1900), p. 462. D. Xllth Dyn.: six gold-silver alloys, 18.5-22.2 carat (Berthelot) ; Annales du Service, II, pp. 158, 160. * E. Xllth Dyn.: two gold-silver-copper alloys, 19.9, 20.6 carat, 0.5 per cent, of copper in the first, 0.3 per cent, in the second (Berthelot) ; De Morgan, Dahchour, I, p. 145; Annales de chimie, Vol. IV (1895), pp. 572 - 3 * F. XVIIIth Dyn.: three gold-silver alloys, 17.5, 21.5, 23.1 carat (W. B. Pollard) ; three gold-silver-copper alloys, 17.3, 19.75, 19.79 carat, containing respectively 13.i, 1.5, 8.9 per cent, of copper (Pollard) ; Quibell, Tomb of Yuaa and Thiiiu (Cairo CataL), Cairo, 1908, pp. 78-9. G. XVIIIth Dyn.: two gold-silver alloys, time of Amenhotep II, 19.46, 20.03 carat (Gladstone). The Chemical Nevos, London, Jan. ii, 1901, and Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Edin¬ burgh, Vol. XXX (1896), p. 33. 172 See reference p. 96, n. 93; also Petrie and Mace, Diospolis Parva, p. 25; Petrie, Royal Tombs. II, p. 23. 173 The percentage of gold in Nos. 45 and 81 was obtained by quantitative analysis. For all the other num¬ bers it was calculated by Mr. Nyland from the specific gravity, making use of the results of Matthiessen as given in William T. Brannt, The Metallic Alloys, 3rd ed., Philadelphia, 1908, p. 79. The Matthiessen tables indicate the slight contraction which takes place in alloying gold and silver. We are indebted to the Bureau of Standards, Washington, for the warning that it does not appear to be possible to arrive at an exact determination of the carat by the density method. The Bureau made some density determinations on samples of gold alloy, and the gold content as determined by that method and by the assayer varied by approximately one carat. A certain margin of error is therefore to be reckoned with in the different carats enumerated above. The Bureau of Standards informs us that the method of analyzing gold by means of the spectrum is difficult of application to ancient objects because it is not certain that the standard samples available today are at all comparable with the composition of the ancient alloys. On this method, see Scientific Papers of the Bureau of Standards, No. 44.4.; Practical Spectrographic Analysis, Washing¬ ton, 1922. [25] That fine gold is not found in the earlier Egyptian jewelry is due, we doubt not, to inability on the part of the earlier metallurgists to separate the silver generally present with the gold in nature. Eventually a method of parting became known which depended upon the action of chlorine contained in common salt on the silver of native gold to form a silver chloride, from which the silver could be separated later by a second operation, one of smelting.^”^^ These processes in their essential action continued in use down to modern times and Agatharcides’ slight description of them,^'^^ as carried on at the mines in Nubia, which was written with only a lay¬ man’s understanding of such matters, has been elucidated by Gowland’s account of the technique of the processes as he found them surviving in Japan as late as Whether the Egyptians, or others, first learned to part gold and silver is unknown. The earliest recorded specimen of fine gold from Egypt is of the Persian period, and the four determined in our collection (Nos. 38, 40, 97, 143) are all very late, although No. 38 may somewhat antedate the time of the Persians. The Egyptians had a term {nb nfr)^ however, which Lepsius first proposed to regard as meaning fine gold, and which has often been so translated by Professor Erman and Professor Breasted. Dr. Gardiner in the passage which we quoted from the papyrus Koller kept to the more literal and non-committal translation good gold. The term occurs first in the time of Ramses and if it really signifies fine gold, the process for part- Some difference of opinion exists as to whether the ancients recovered the silver or whether it passed into the slag. On this point, see Moller, Orienialistische Literaiurzeitung, Vol. i8, col. 79, and Rose, The Precious Metals, Comprising Gold, Silver and Platinum, New York, 1912, p. 128, referring to F. Hoefer, Histoire de la chimie, Vol. I, Paris, i866, pp. 117-18. Gowland assumed that the silver was recovered; cf. our p. 21 and Archaeologia, Vol. XIX, pp, 136, 137. As given in Diodorus III, 14. The process was described also by Strabo (III, 2, 8) and Pliny (XXXIII, 25). Archaeologia, Vol. XIX, pp. 137-8 and briefly, Journ. Royal Anthr. Inst., Vol. XLII, p. 257. Cf. Berthelot, Annales, II, p. 157; Rose, Precious Metals, pp. 5-6, Metallurgy of Gold, 6th ed., p. 436. Moller, loc. cit., supposed the parting to have been accomplished in late antiquity by melting with antimony sulphide, but in H. C. and L. H. Hoover, Agricola, p. 458, note 21, the various methods of parting known in the Mid¬ dle Ages are reviewed, and the statement made that no ancient text has been found which seems to refer to the sulphide processes; in the view of these authors cementation with salt is the only process certainly alluded to by Greek and Roman writers; “the Romans amalgamated gold with mercury, but whether they took advantage of the principle to recover gold from ores we do not know” (p. 297, note 12). It has interested us to find that at the International Exposition held at Philadelphia in 1876, the exhibit of Etruscan jewelry was divided into groups of “primitive” jewels of “uncupellated gold” and orna¬ ments of “pure, cupellated gold”; see: Special Catalogue of the Collection of Antiquities Exhibited by Signor Alessandro Castellani of Rome in Rooms U, V, IV, Memorial Hall, Philadelphia, 1876. ^77 Berthelot, Annales du Service, II, p. 158; Annales de chimie, 7th series, Vol. XXI, p. 204; Comptes ren- dus. Academie des Sciences, Vol. CXXXI, p. 463. The sample of gold foil or leaf analyzed contained 99.8 per cent, of chemically pure gold, equalling a quality of 23.95 carat. Modern “fine” gold, that which is called “commercially pure,” is never quite pure chemically, but often attains to 99.98 per cent, of the chemically pure metal. The purest gold used in antiquity may well have been that refined for coinage. Barclay V. Head in The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Numismatic Society, London, 3rd Series, Vol. VII (1887), p. 303, reported a gold stater of Croesus as having a specific gravity of 20.09, above that of ordinary fine gold, which is 19.3. The compression due to striking the coin and other factors may have influenced the density of the metal. Cf. also G. F. Hill, A Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins, London, 1899, P- 73 i references there given. Mr. Hill cites examples ranging in con¬ tent from 95.8 to 99.8 per cent, of pure gold, none quite equal to modern fine gold. We do not overlook Gowland’s suggestion in the Journ. Royal Anthr. Inst., Vol. XLII, p. 253, that even Berthelot’s sample may possibly have been of vein gold. All authorities agree, however, that native gold containing as much as 98.8 per cent, of pure gold is of very rare occurrence: cf. Clarke, Data of Geochemistry, p. 648. 178 It was not used before the XXth Dyn., according to the evidence of the Berlin Dictionary (communication of Dr. Grapow). [26] ing gold and silver must have been known in the twelfth century B.C., but we must take account of the possibility that the term refers merely to the richer grades of native gold. In order, possibly, to determine when a process of separation came in, it is desirable to obtain a series of analyses of reliably dated gold from the period between the Eighteenth and Twenty-seventh Dynasties (1350-525 B.C.). Dated gold objects representing this period, except from the Nineteenth Dynasty, are not all too plentiful, but now that, by the microchemical method, gold may be tested accu¬ rately without injuring appreciably the object from which the minute sample is taken, there is more hope that such analyses may one day be made. The metallurgical methods in use in antiquity were inadequate to eliminate the hard, white metals of the platinum group sometimes present in very small quantities with native gold.^^^ Cailliaud, in the last century, called attention to the occur¬ rence of “platiniferous gold,” yellow-gray in color, in the southern Sudan, but it would seem that platinum and kindred metals occur too frequently uncombined, as minute grains, associated with native gold, to admit of any successful attempt to locate the source of the ancient gold containing these impurities. Rarely, the Egyptians even obtained a native platinum alloy in a quantity to be beaten into sheet, for Berthelot found a narrow strip of such an alloy inlaid in a metal case for an ivory tablet; its resistance to tests was not only greater than that of gold, but greater than that of pure platinum, and he considered it a complex native alloy, containing several of the metals of the appearance of platinum, and even some gold; it was perhaps thought to be a kind of silver by the Egyptians. Presumably the specks of white metal in ancient gold have been noticed by many observers, but they have seldom been referred to in archaeological writings. We have seen only Professor Petrie’s references'®^ to osmiridium as occurring in gold dated to the Twelfth Dynasty and Mr. Pollard’s remark that no evidence of platinum was found in the samples of gold from the tomb of Queen Tiy’s par¬ ents.^®® White metallic particles were found of late abundantly present in the gold of a remarkable Greek bowl dated to the seventh century B. C.^®^ and we noticed similar specks of white metal in a gold earring of the type of our No. 44, from Mem¬ phis, now in the University Museum, Philadelphia. Many gold objects of the pres¬ ent catalogue, in all about two dozen, contain such particles; the specks vary in size from those noticeable to the unaided eye down to those so small as to be visible only with a microscope; usually, however, after one’s attention has been called to them, they are seen without the microscope. These impurities are perhaps of im¬ portance with reference to the subject of forgeries. To say that their presence in its material is proof of the antiquity of an object would be hazardous, since they have been known to occur sometimes in modern commercially refined gold,^®® and Gowland, The Metallurgy of the Non-Ferrous Metals, 3rd ed., London, 1921, p. 254; Clarke, Data of Geochemistry, p. 648 under C, D, E. Voyage a Meroe, Vol. Ill, p. 19. 181 “Sur les metaux egyptiens. Etudes sur un etui metallique et ses inscriptions,” pp. 121-41 in: Monu¬ ments et memoires (Fondation Eugene Piot), Vol. 7, Paris, 1900; also in Archeologie et histoire des sci¬ ences, Paris, 1906, pp. 25 ff. Cf. Vernier, Bijouterie, p. i. Ancient Egypt, 1915, p. 23; Naqada and Balias, p. 66. 183 In Quibell, Tomb of Yuaa, p. 78. 181 In the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, published by Mr. L. D. Caskey; Boston Bulletin, Vol. XX (1922), pp. 65-8. 185 Rose, Metallurgy, 6th ed., p. 435. [27] their absence must not be taken as condemning a piece, but it is perhaps not too much to assert that their presence in the gold of an object of doubtful authenticity is reassuring and should have weight in considering its claims to be accepted as ancient.^®® Thus far, our discussion has started from alloys in which gold predominates. We turn now to silver, and give first the analysis of a sample taken from the silver beads found in a predynastic tomb at El Mahasna, which were presented to the Musee du Cinquantenaire in Brussels.This sample is probably the earliest silver utilized by man to be analyzed, dating as it did from at least the fourth, if not the fifth, millennium B. C. The analysis, kindly made by M. Huybrechts, profes¬ sor of analytical chemistry in the University of Liege, follows: “Silica (Si02). 2.55 per cent. Metallic silver. 4.07 “ “ Ferric oxide (Fe203). 2.55 “ “ (corresponding to 1.67 “ “ of iron, Fe) Some traces of calcium in the form of the carbonate.’’ The 90.83 per cent, remaining consists of compounds resulting from the alteration of the silver, notably of chloride of silver (soluble in ammonia, out of which it can be precipitated by sulphuric acid) and a little carbonate of silver (the coating of the beads effervesces with the acids). The amounts of silica and of ferric oxide are actually the same, but this is mere chance, for in the unaltered object the iron was present not in the state of ferric oxide, but in the state of metallic iron of which the weight is 0.7 of that of the oxide; the proportions of iron and silica in the metallic silver, consequently, were not equal.” It is not within our province to judge whether the absence of lead from this earliest Egyptian silver is unfavorable to the view previously mentioned, that from the first, silver was reduced from lead ores. But however this silver was obtained, it would seem that Egypt may never have gone through the stage of using coarse alloys of silver and lead such as those found much later in Cyprus in the Second Bronze Age (about 2000-1500 B. C.).^®® Further, three samples of silver from objects of the nineteenth century B. C., analyzed by Berthelot,^^^ were without lead; and a sample of silver of about 1400 B. C. analyzed by Mr. Pollard, contained 8.4 per cent, of gold, and 4.3 per cent, of copper present with the silver, but no lead.^^® Among the silver alloys represented in our pieces, four, to be sure, contain lead, but only in very small quantity: Nos. 26, 30, 32, and 151. The late ring shank. No. 21, is apparently of fine silver, dating from a time when, probably, metallurgical 186 Only, however, when distinctly irregular in form. As explained to us by the United States Assay Office at New York, there is little possibility, if any, of these crystals occurring in gold refined by the electrolytic process used in all our government refineries, although they may occur in the sulphuric acid method of parting. We had noticed a bright white spot in one of our modern experimental pieces made of rolled gold and with reference to this were told: “Where refined gold is subjected to mechanical treatment such as rolling, there is always danger of contamination. Gold rolled out on rolls which have previously been used on silver or platinum will very often show bright spots of these metals no matter how much care has been used in cleaning the rolls. A drop of nitric acid will readily determine silver.” 187 Ayrton and Loat, El Mahasna, p. 30, G. 188 John L. Myres, Handbook of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus (M.M.A.), New York, 1914, p. XXIX. 189 De Morgan, Dahchour, I, p. 146; Annales de chimie, Vol. IV, pp. 573-4. 190 Quibell, Tomb of Yuaa, p. 78. [28] methods were equal to freeing the silver not only of lead, but of all other impurities. The silver alloy of No. 35 contains 10 per cent, of gold. Hitherto unknown from Egypt is a silver-tin alloy, No. 27, in which the tin is present to the amount of 15.2 per cent. Strangely, even fewer analyses of silver from Egypt have been pub¬ lished hitherto than of gold; we have seen only the four mentioned above and In view of this dearth give the following analysis of a sample which we owe to Mr. Lythgoe’s Interest in this Investigation and which was taken from a fragmentary sil¬ ver vessel of the time of Ramses II (1292-1225 B. C.) : Weight as received. . . . “ of gold found. “ “ silver “ . “ “ copper “ . “ “ lead “ . 0.48312 grams 0.00648 “ = 3.24 per cent. 0*18493 “ =92.46 “ “ 0.00770 “ = 3.85 “ “ 0.00090 “ = 0.45 “ “ Of this alloy. Dr. Whitfield, who analyzed it, wrote to us: “It Is without doubt a gold-silver alloy with the copper and lead added for strength and hardness, and it compares well with one variety of the modern ‘White Gold’.’’ Dr. Whitfield’s opinion that in this ancient silver alloy the copper and lead were deliberately added brings us to another problem, one of great interest for the study of man’s progress in the Industrial arts, and that problem concerns the time when al¬ loys made by man and adapted to specific purposes were introduced. Undoubtedly for centuries, possibly for millenniums, only alloys found native were In use. Un¬ doubtedly the first experiments were made in combining these alloys, long before man was In possession of the pure metals; indeed, at the present day, alloys are not always put together exclusively of commercially pure metals, but other alloys may enter into the new combination. Some ancient alloys put together by man may be indeterminable as such, because approximating to combinations found in nature. This, we presume, is the reason why Berthelot, after querying whether or not certain alloys of the nineteenth century B. C., which contained gold, silver, and copper, were man’s work,^^^ gave only an inconclusive answer.^^^ But it should be possible to trace the coming in in Egypt of alloys identifiable by their compo¬ sition as the products of human experiments and this has not been thoroughly done. Dr. Gladstone was of the opinion that native alloys were used exclusively until into the Eighteenth Dynasty,^^^ but none of the analyses he published revealed more than a trace of copper. The earliest alloys of gold, silver, and copper, known to us, which contain copper in such a quantity as to render it improbable that they were found native do indeed date from the Eighteenth Dynasty, around 1400 B. Berthelot’s three analyses of silver of about 1900 B. all revealed the presence of copper, of which the highest percentage was 2.18, but we take it that this amount of copper would not be surprising in silver found native or reduced See references, n. 171, above, under E. 1^2 cf. Gotze in Dorpfeld, Troja und I lion, Vol. I, p. 366, who pointed out that no investigations had been made, which would enable one to decide whether the electrum of strata II-V at Troy was native or artificial. The Chemical News, Jan. ii, 1901. See above, n. 171, under F. 195 See above, n. 189. [29] from lead ores.^®® The alloys determined in the present catalogue do not solve the question, for none among them, except possibly the late No. 35, is of a character to compel the view that it was artificially made. An exhaustive study of Egyptian gold-silver alloys would require the considera¬ tion of the terms used in Egyptian texts for different varieties of gold. We have already commented briefly on the term good gold and wish here to touch on only one other, that still supposed, outside the ranks of Egyptologists, to be connected etymologically with the Greek word asemos, and, like it, to be about equivalent in its principal meaning to that other vague word for a gold-silver alloy, electrum, which has come down from Greek through Latin into our modern vocabulary. When Richard Lepsius long ago wrote the valuable monograph which has remained the point of departure for all study of the literary and inscriptional evidence about the metals and gem-stones used by the ancient Egyptians, the word in question was supposed to contain the consonants wsm; Lepsius vocalized the word asem and in this form it occurs frequently in the writings of Berthelot and others who have interested themselves in the history of the metals in Egypt. But the earlier read¬ ing of the hieroglyphs with which the word is written has been proved to be in- correct,^®® therefore the supposed derivation of asevios from the ancient Egyptian word falls to the ground. The supposed meaning of the Egyptian word, “electrum,’’ also probably is not correct. It seems indeed sometimes to be appropriate, but the distinction between the word nb, gold, and this one, dCitt, which is the subject of our remarks, probably has nothing to do with composition or color. The one is the common prose word for gold, the other a poetical, even at times, affected, word also for gold,^^^ Presumably through many centuries both words could be applied to all gold-silver alloys which were not pale enough to be called preferably white (metal),that is, silver; there is, however, a rare term white gold,^^^ which occurs in the Harris papyrus, and which it would seem, must mean electrum. In order to indicate roughly the apparent relative character of the alloys of the present catalogue which have not been submitted to chemical analysis—as these alloys appeared to our eyes after being freshly cleaned with mineral oil Gowland, Archaeologia, Vol. XIX, p. 131, says that native silver has been found to contain up to ten per cent, of copper, and on p. 143 he speaks of copper as universally present in cupelled silver and gives an analysis of silver, supposedly obtained from argentiferous lead by cupellation, which contained 3.23 per cent, of copper. Die Metalle in den aegyptischen Inschriften (Abhandlung der Kbnigl. Akad. der IVissenschaften zti Berlin, 18/1), Berlin, 1872. Gardiner in A.Z., Vol. 41 (1904), pp. 73-6; Sethe, A.Z., Vol. 44, p. 132. 199 Gardiner, Recueil de travaux relatifs a la philologie et a Varcheologie egypiiennes et assyriennes, Paris, New Series, Vol. II (1912), p. 205, apropos of Sinuhe 308; p. 154 in Erman, Aegyptisches Glossar, Berlin, 1904, now superseded by Erman and Grapow, Aegyptisches Handnuorterbuch, Berlin, 1921; see p. 219. 200 xhe noun to which “white” applies is not expressed; we do not see the necessity of supposing it to be “gold,” as many commentators have done, for the whiteness of silver is a striking enough characteristic to have given a name to the metal, without implying a comparison w'ith gold, and it is entirely uncertain whether in Egypt gold was known before silver. Like the writing of the word gold, that of silver termi¬ nates with a picture of an archaic bead necklace, which may have been conceived as made entirely of silver, even if the supply of silver was inadequate to the production of very many such necklaces. We are, however, ignorant of economic conditions in the north of Egypt in the early time vs'hen these terms came into existence. 201 It is not, however, of late origin, but occurs in the Old Kingdom, as Dr. Grapow has informed us, citing Petrie, Medum, London, 1892, PI. 13. Cf. now, Erman-Ranke, Aegypten, p. 554. 202 A mineral oil dissolves sulphide of silver which is the chief ingredient of the ordinary tarnish on silver. [30] and pure grain alcohol—we have used the following terms: gold, pale gold, electrum, silver. “Gold” is confined to the pieces of high carat of which the color is a rich yellow; when the color is actually that of fine gold we have said so in our text. “Pale gold” indicates a somewhat paler yellow, and “electrum” an alloy only slightly tinged with yellow, intermediate in color between “pale gold” and “silver.” The surface appearance of gold is sometimes affected by foreign matter adhering to it In a very thin film, and such matter is especially liable to be present on jewels which were once In contact with the mummy or on foil once gilding an object by means of an intermediate layer of plaster.^^^ Dr. Gladstone, on the other hand, found on samples of ancient gold a tarnish attributable to chemical change, of which he wrote as follows: “Some of the foil is much tarnished, and this I found to be due to the formation of chloride of silver, which of course turns dark in color when ex¬ posed to the light. As this appears as a superficial crust, we seem here to have an instance of the slow diffusion of one part of the alloy—the silver—till it reaches the outside surface where It meets with the chlorides that exist in the sands of the desert.” But even after jewels have been cleaned In the manner named above, a slight red-brown to dark discoloration may gradually creep over the whole or part of their surface, especially over those of the lower carats. This was the cause, one time, of a mistaken conviction on our part, that some of the pieces of the present collection contained copper. Mr. Whitlock kindly tested one of them. No. 114, In a flame, when copper, if present, would have Imparted a greenish tinge to the flame, and this test which resulted adversely to the presence of copper, was later confirmed by Mr. Nyland’s analysis of the gold of the companion piece. No. 115. We are Indebted to Mr. Nyland for the following statement: “I do not know what the reddish color may be due to. I feel sure it is no separate metal, but It may be that Interference colors on a thin film of impurity (grease, moisture) produce this. If the Egyptians used a flux in soldering (like a chloride salt) as in the gold diadem (No. 2), the alloy may have changed a little by this action. These are two sugges¬ tions which are both plausible to my mind.” The last subject to be considered in a general way in this Introduction is that of the technical processes represented in the jewels of the present catalogue. We shall, indeed, leave the majority of these processes, such as chasing, engraving, cast¬ ing, striking in dies, and gilding, to be taken up incidentally, so far as they are il¬ lustrated in our gold and silver objects, but about a few of them, the inlaying of gold, the production of granulated decoration, soldering, coloring, wire-making, and the making of artificial pearls, some discussion here Is desirable. Moller called attention to an amulet case of the First Dynasty as affording the earliest known example of gold inlaid with another substance.The exact nature of the inlay has never been determined, although the description of it as a “dark blue paste” suggests that it may have been worked in a soft state into the depres¬ sions prepared for it. The characteristic Egyptian inlays for gold, however, which are well Illustrated here in Nos. 3 and 104, were semi-precious stones, which were fitted to their destined positions by grinding. When glass was used instead of 203 So Berthelot in Annales du Service, II, p. 159. 204 xhe Chemical Nevos, loc. cit, 205 In Schafer, Goldschmiedearbeiten, p. 61, n. 2; original publ.: Reisner, Naga-ed-Der, I, pp. 31, 143, PI. 6, No. I. [31] gem-stones it was made ready In the same way, by grinding the cold, hard glass into pieces of the required shapes; and glazed pottery was similarly employed.^®® The Egyptians were very skillful in utilizing glass by this method, for some marvel¬ ous portrait heads have survived which have been patiently worked out of pieces of a glass found In nature, obsidian.The term “cloisonne work” may be applied to the inlaid jewelry from Egypt without doing violence to its derivation, since the cloisons are present in the Egyptian work, but It really connotes quite a different technique. In genuine cloisonne work, the cells are filled with enamel, a vitreous substance, which is put into them In powdered or sand-like form and then fused into place, when it fills the cells completely and unites very firmly with the gold; finally the visible surface is ground smooth.^®® No heat was applied to the great ma¬ jority, if to any, of the comparable Egyptian jewels after the gold shell with Its cells had been completed (No. 98 b), nor was the visible surface ever given the smoothness and continuity of modern cloisonne work. The Egyptian Inlays were held in place principally by the bed of cement in which they were laid; in the better pieces they fitted closely enough to be held also, in small part, by the gold walls of the cloisons, but they never filled the cells so completely as does the enamel of cloisonne work. The Egyptian technique was invented In the Old King¬ dom or earlier, for it is found imitated in dummy ceremonial vessels from the funerary temple of the Fifth Dynasty king Neferirkere; also in many of the pic¬ tures of royal adornments on coffins of the period around 2000 B. C., which had their Inspiration in the king’s jewels as developed by the close of the Old Kingdom, it is suggested in their form, colors, and materials (given in legends).Mr. Marc Rosenberg has commented on the fact that this technique of Inlaying gold and sil¬ ver with stone and glass Is only one branch of a technique much practised in ancient Egypt, which included the similar inlaying of wood, stone, and other materials. He has also discussed some other, less well understood, Egyptian inlays, those which were not ground out in one piece from solid material, opposing the theory that they constituted true enamel,although he would regard them as forerunners of enamel, and suggesting that they consisted of powdered substances mixed with 206 Good examples in Schafer, op. cit., No. 92. 207 Notably a head of Amenemhet III, formerly in the MacGregor collection, which in 1922 passed for the sum of £10,000 into a private collection; see Burl. Fine Arts Club, Caial. Egypt. Art, 1922, PI. I; J. E. A., Vol. IV (1917), PI. XIV. Another example of lesser merit is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art; see Mace, The Murch Collection of Egyptian Antiquities (Supplement, Bull. M. M. A., Jan. 1911, reprinted 1916), p. 26 and Fig. 17. 208 'j'hg technique as practised by modern craftsmen is described in Herbert Maryon, Metalwork and Enamel¬ ling. A Practical Treatise on Gold and Silversmiths* Work and Their Allied Crafts, London, 1912, Ch. XXIII and H. Wilson, Silverwork and Jewelry. A Text-Book for Students and Workers in Metal (No. II in “The Artistic Crafts Series of Technical Handbooks,” edited by W. R. Lethaby), 2nd ed., New York, 1912, Ch. XXIV; Henry Cunynghame, On the Theory and Practice of Art-Enamelling upon Metals, West¬ minster, 1899. A fuller treatment from the historical point of view is contained in Marc Rosenberg, Zellenschmelz II. Technik (in Geschichte der Goldschmiedekunst auf technischer Grundlage)^ Frankfurt am Main, 1921. 209 Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Nefer-ir-ke-re (iite wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichung der D. O. G.), Leipsic, 1909, pp. 59 flF., Pis. I, IV; also Breasted, Ancient Times, a History of the Early World. An Introduction to the Study of Ancient History and the Career of Early Man, Boston and New York, 1916, frontispiece. 210 Evidence exists also in Old Kingdom representations of contemporary jewelry. Aegyptische Einlage in Gold und Silber, Frankfurt am Main, 1905. Zellenschmelz I. Entstehung, 1921. [32] a binder, which were pressed into the cells to give them the right shape and then taken out and heated,or, within the cells, perhaps, were subjected to a low heat,^^^ not sufficient to fuse them. Even the enameled bracelets from Meroe, dating from the first century after Christ, differed from the eventual developed cloisonne enamel in not having smoothly ground surfaces,although their cells were filled by fusing powdered glass into them. Mr. Rosenberg has also discussed cer¬ tain metallic inlays in Queen Ahhotep’s jewelry, which he regards as the earliest known niello. All this subject of the inlays other than gem-stones, glass, and glazed pottery, appearing in Egyptian jewelry,^^'^ requires further investigation, and a study of the new, abundant material from the royal ateliers of the late Eighteenth Dynasty, of which the newspaper reports are just appearing as our text undergoes its last revision, may be expected to clear up definitely many of these questions. The subject of granulations, such as those which form the main, or subsidiary, decoration of Nos. i, 19, 64, 69, 82, 83 and 95, has been much discussed—in recent years, especially by Mr. Rosenberg and Mr. C. Densmore Curtis; to the important monographs of these authors we refer the reader for a general treatment of gran¬ ulated work and for references to the earlier writings on the subject. Mr. Curtis, who had the opportunity to examine the entire series of Egyptian granulated jewels preserved in the Cairo Museum, and brought to this study an intimate acquaintance with other ancient granulated work, has commented in a valuable and informing way on the technique and varying artistic merit of the several pieces. We have not had the opportunity, nor ever the purpose, to go into the subject in the same compre¬ hensive manner, but the presence in the Abbott collection of one granulated piece (No. i) which is apparently as old as any in Cairo, and, indeed, as any piece known from antiquity, has led us, in accordance with the general plan of this catalogue, to inquire how the granulations were made. This inquiry includes two main questions: first, how the grains of gold were produced, second, how they were fastened in a pattern to the object to be dec¬ orated. The first question is comparatively unimportant, because the tendency of molten metal to gather and then solidify in spherical form may be taken advantage of in very many ways. Our preparator readily produced grains found when tested Zellenschmel% I, p. 7 and p. 8, n. i. cit., p. II. Cf. summary of development leading to true cloisonne enamel on p. 44. Op, cit., p. 42. Geschichte der Goldschmiedekunst. Abteilung: Niello, Darmstadt, 1907, p. 3. Cf. our p. 239, also M. Vernier’s account of a kind of niello of Dyn. XXVI, discovered by Berthelot, in Bijouterie, p. 30. This was found in the tablet case mentioned by us on p. 27, with references to Berthelot’s discussion of it. 217 Of great interest in this connection are the parts of a bead collar found at Enkomi on the island of Cyprus, of which the units are strikingly Egyptian in design, but the technique is different from that of any work actually found in Egypt thus far studied. Here, as described by Mr. Rosenberg, the cells are filled with enamel, but are defined not by strips of gold sheet but by wires which project on the surface above the level of the enamel. Authorities are not agreed as to whether these pieces were made in Cyprus under Egyptian influence or imported from Egypt. See: Rosenberg, Zellenschmelz I, pp. 12-14, 44; Mar¬ shall, Jenvellery, No. 581, and the references given there. Cf. M. Vernier, who recognizes that Egyptian inlaid work requires further study: Bulletin de Vlnstitut Yranqais d*Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, Vol. VIII (1911), pp. 39 - 40 - 218 Rosenberg, Geschichte der Goldschmiedekunst. Abteilung: Granulation, Frankfurt a. M., 1918. Curtis, Ancient Granulated Je